
^4 o. 
























,-J^ 



^"-;^. 







^ 






A 






^^0^ 



<', 






A 



^. 







V 




-^^0^ 



* ^^ 





.-V 



.0 








.% -^ 



^^0^ 



K^ 



Ho. 



> 



* ^^' 















^ <?\ ' » « o -^ «, 






< 







^. 






r'^^ 






v 















0^ 








•^•S' 






.^' 














THE SOUTH CAROLINA 

HANDBOOK OF 

THE WAR 



"It is not au attm^ \^e must snape aud. train lor war; it is a nation" 

WOODROW WILSON 



Sr Transfer 

DEC 6 I9I7 



ISSUED BY 

THE SOUTH CAROLINA STATE COUNCIL OF DEFENSE 



THE SOUTH CAROLINA 

HANDBOOK OF 

THE WAR 



It is not an army we must shape and train for war; it is a nation 

WOODROW WILSON 



ISSUED BY 

THE SOUTH CAROLINA STATE COUNCIL OF DEFENSE 



.1 




K^ 



4 

i 



CONTENTS 

Page 

Preface 7 

Foreword — D. R. Coker 9 

Organization of State Council of Defence 12 

County Chairmen 14 

PART I— AMERICA AND THE WORLD WAR 

How the War Came to Europe — 

From a Clear Sky— W. S. D., University of Minnesota 17 

How the War Came to Belgium— W. S. D., University of 

Minnesota IQ 

How Belgium Responded — Baron Moncheur, Head of the 

Belgian Mission 22 

The Ethics of the Invasion of Belgium — John Delafield 24 

Where the War Has Hit the Hardest: Poland— W. S. D., 

University of Minnesota 24 

Hoiv the War Came to America — 

The Submarine Aggressions — W. S. D., University of Minne- 
sota 25 

America's Case Against Germany — National Security League's 

Handbook 27 

Why We Are Fighting Germany — Franklin K. Lane 28 

America Caught by the Inevitable — From President Wilson's 

Flag Day Address 3° 

The German Tragedy — Henry W. Farnam 32 

A Solemn Moment — Shailer Mathews 2>2i 

America's Attitude — James M. Beck Z2> 

The Issue: Autocracy against Democracy — William C. Redfield. 34 

The Menace of Prussianism — 

How Germany Is Governed — W. S. D., University of Minne- 
sota 35 

Why Germany Is Not a Democracy — National Security 

League's Handbook 37 

Germany's Theory of War: "Out of Their Own Mouths" 39 

Terrorism in Action: Three German Military Proclamations... 40 
The Prussian Preparation for World Conquest — Dr. E. W. 

Sikes 41 

German Frightfulness — Hunter A. Gibbes 43 



4 Contents 

Page 

Prussianism's Perfect Work — Saturday Evening Post 43 

Germany's Wars between 1871-1914 — Literary Digest 44 

The Task of America — 

Wake Up, America ! — Pomeroy Burton . . .■ 45 

America Saved by the Allies — Richard H. Edmonds 46 

The Crisis — William Mather Lewis 47 

What Would Happen If? — Oklahoma State Council of Defense. 47 

Concerning Loyalty — 

No Room for Treachery — Richard H. Edmonds 47 

The Soldiers' Question — Richard H. Edmonds 48 

Rules for Disloyalists — The Independent 50 

What "America" Means — Robert McNutt McElroy 51 

United America — W. J. Bryan 52 

The Road to Peace — 

The Peace Terms — Murphy's Cartoon in New York American. 53 

No Peace in Sight — Oklahoma State Council of Defence 54 

The German Intrigue for Peace — President Wilson 54 

The Test of the Peace to Come — President Wilson 56 

United in War for the Sake of Peace — W. J. Bryan 57 

Two World Peace Programs — National Security League's 

Handbook 57 

With Our Faces Toward the Light — President Wilson 58 

PART II— THE VOICE OF SOUTH CAROLINA 

Governor Richard I Manning 61 

Senator B. R. Tillman 61 

Senator E. D. Smith 62 

Attorney General Thos. H. Peeples 62 

Assistant Attorney General Claud N. Sapp 63 

Christie Benet, Columbia 63 

H. H. Blease, Newberry 65 

Lowndes J. Browning, Union 66 

Robert A. Cooper, Laurens 67 

William Spencer Currell, Columbia 68 

Geo. B. Cromer, Newberry 68 

John L. McLaurin, Bennettsville 69 

T. G. McLeod, Bishop ville 70 

John G. Richards, Liberty Hill yz 

Olin Sawyer, Georgetown 72 

Chas. Carroll Simms, Barnwell 74 

Henry N. Snyder, Spartanburg 75 



Contents 5 

Page 

W. A. Stuckey, Bishopville 76 

John E. White, Anderson 76 

The South's Responsibility in the War — R. S TJ 

PART III— HOW YOU CAN HELP WIN THE WAR 

[Mainly by Members of The State Council of Defense] 

Stop Criticizing, Cheer Up, and Get Busy — Christie Benet 81 

Help the Allies and Support the Administration — E. R. Buck- 
ingham '. 81 

Carry Out Existing Ideas — Ira B. Dunlap 82 

Fight Germany on the Other Side — William Elliott 82 

Every Man Needed — William Godfrey 82 

Economize and Support the Administration — W. I. Johns 82 

Stand Back of the Government and the Army — J. Ross Hanahan. . . 83 

South Carolina's Duty in the Food Situation — W. W. Long 84 

One Hundred Per Cent. Loyalty— A. C. Phelps 86 

Show Your Faith— W. M. Riggs 87 

Loyalty and Service — Frank J. Simmons 87 

Produce and Conserve — J. E. Sirrine 87 

Food Conservation — A. V. Snell 87 

Subscribe to the Liberty Loan — Joe Sparks, ex-Secretary Council 

of Defense 88 

More Corn and Less Wheat — John T. Stevens 89 

Public Health — Horace L. Tilghman 89 

Unselfish Patriotism — Bright Williamson 90 

Help the Red Cross — National Security League's Handbook 90 

Economize — National Security League's Handbook 90 

Our Educational Creed — S. H. Edmunds 91 

The Germ as Deadly as the German — David R. Coker 92 



PREFACE 

THIS Handbook was authorized by the South Carolina 
State Council of Defense at its meeting in Sumter, Sep- 
tember 6. The committee in charge of compiling it consisted 
of Reed Smith, Chairman, Columbia; William Banks, Colum- 
bia; Christie Benet, Columbia; William Elliott, Columbia; 
Hunter A. Gibbes, Columbia; C. O. Hearon, Spartanburg; 
Robert Lathan, Charleston; Joe Sparks, Columbia. 

In the words of the National Security League's Handbook, 
"The task to which this book is meant to contribute is a task 
more fundamental than any other, when a democracy prepares 
for war— that of informing the understanding, of awakening 
the moral vision and the moral passion, of the entire people, 
concerning the cause for which they fight. It is essential to 
bring to the mind of every honest and loyal citizen the moment- 
ousness of the present crisis ; to make him or her understand 
what deep concerns of humanity are at stake; to bring all to 
feel that America has never entered upon a more just or more 
necessary war." 

Incomparably the finest utterances on the war are the great 
State Papers of President Wilson. These are available through 
two booklets issued by the Committee on Public Information, 
"How the War Came to America" (containing as appendices 
the President's address to the Senate on January 22, his War 
Message of April 2, and his Flag Day Speech of June 14) 
and "The War Message and Facts Behind It," an annotated 
text of President Wilson's message of April 2. Copies of these 
pamphlets will be furnished by the South Carolina State Coun- 
cil of Defense. Reed Smith. 
Columbia, Sept. 29, 19 17. 



FOREWORD 

To Those Patriotic Carolinians Who Are So Faithfully Co- 
operating With the Council of Defense in All of Its Tasks: 

As I begin this paragraph my eye rests upon the imprint of 
the great seal of the State with its circling Latin phrases — 
one, Duni Spiro Spero — the motto of the optimist ; the other, 
Animis Opihnsque Parati — the ideal of the patriot. These 
words should be our beacon lights in the great campaign to 
make our State ready to fulfil our every obligation to the 
Nation in war, and to live fully up to her noble traditions. 

Optimism we must have. We must believe in ourselves, our 
people and our cause in order that our State through the 
efforts of all her patriotic sons and daughters may be "pre- 
pared in mind and in works" to do her full share in defense of 
our sacred and inalienable rights which have been ruthlessly 
violated by a brutal autocracy. 

We must go throughout the State telling the people of the 
great issues which are at stake — of the fearful crimes against 
God and humanity which we now see are a part of the military 
policy of our antagonists ; of the purpose of world domination 
and world destruction which our adversaries have evidenced 
in their total disregard of treaty obligations ; in their universal 
spy system ; in their, arrogant assumption of dominion over 
the sea; in their destruction without pretense of right of 
neutral life and neutral property ; in their abuse of all diplo- 
matic privileges and amenities ; in their murder of countless 
thousands of peaceful non-combatants in Belgium, Poland, 
Servia and Armenia. 

This little handbook is intended to help you in your work 
of informing the people and securing universal co-operation 
in the performance of the tasks which the government expects 
of us all. 



lo Foreword 

Our aim must be to weld the people of South Carolina into 
a unit for patriotic co-operation to win the war. There must 
be no slackers. All must enlist and enlist they will if the 
great cause is properly presented. — David R. Coker, Hartsville, 
Chairman South Carolina State Council of Defense. 



THE SOUTH CAROLINA STATE COUNCIL 
OF DEFENSE 

Headquarters 

UNION NATIONAL BANK BUILDING 

Rooms 703 and 704 

Columbia, S. C. 

Governor RICHARD I. MANNING, ex officio. 
D. R. COKER, Chairman. 
WILLIAM ELLIOTT, Vice-Chairman. 
REED SMITH, Executive Secretary. 



STATE COUNCIL 

Appointed by Governor Richard I. Manning at the direction of the 
Council of National Defense. 



William Banks, Columbia 
Christie Benet, Columbia 
E. M. Blythe, Greenville 
E. R. Buckingham, Ellenton 
D. R. Coker, Hartsville 
Ira B. Dunlap, Rock Hill 
William Elliott, Columbia 
Wm. Godfrey, Cheraw 
J. Ross Hanahan, Charleston 
Dr. James A. Hayne, Columbia 
C. O. Hearon, Spartanburg 
W. I. Johns, Baldock 
Robert Lathan, Charleston 
W. W. Long, Clemson College 
Mrs. F. Louise Mayes, Greenville 
Miss E. E. McCHntock, 
New York City 



Robert McDougall, Columbia 
A. F. McKissick, Greenwood 
Dr. F. H. McLeod, Florence 
A. C. Phelps, Sumter 
John G. Richards, Columbia 
W. M. Riggs, Clemson College 
Frank Simmons, Charleston 
J. E. Sirrine, Greenville 
Reed Smith, Columbia 
A. V. Snell, Charleston 
John T. Stevens, Kershaw 
W. A. Stuckey, Bishopville 
Horace L. Tilghman, Marion 
J. W. Wassum, Greenville 
Bright Williamson, Darlington 
Dr. John E. White, Anderson 



12 Organization 

ORGANIZATION OF STATE COUNCIL OF DEFENSE 

EXECUTIVE AND FINANCE COMMITTEE 

D. R. COKER, Chairman Hartsville 

WILLIAM ELLIOTT, Vice-Chairman Columbia 

REED SMITH, Executive Secretary Columbia 

JOHN G. RICHARDS, Union National Bank Columbia 

CHRISTIE BENET Columbia 

J. ROSS HANAHAN Charleston 

W. W. LONG Clemson College 

IRA B. DUNLAP Rock Hill 

PUBLICITY 

ROBERT LATHAN, Chairman Charleston 

WILLIAM BANKS Columbia 

C. O. HEARON Spartanburg 

REED SMITH . Columbia 

A. V. SNELL Charleston 

MILITARY MATTERS 

E. M. BLYTHE, Chairman Greenville 

DR. F. H. McLEOD Florence 

WILLIAM GODFREY Cheraw 

PRODUCTION AND CONSERVATION OF FOODSTUFFS 

BRIGHT WILLIAMSON, Chairman Darlington 

W. W. LONG Clemson College 

A. C PHELPS Sumter 

INDUSTRIES 

CHRISTIE BENET, Chairman Columbia 

ROBERT McDOUGALL Columbia 

JOHN T. STEVENS Kershaw 

TRANS FOR TA TION 

J. W. WASSUM, Chairman Greenville 

FRANK SIMMONS Charleston 

W. A. STUCKEY Bishopville 

ALLEVIATION OF DISTRESS CAUSED BY ENLISTMENT 

HORACE L. TILGHMAN, Chairman Marion 

DR. JAS. A. HAYNE Columbia 

W. A. STUCKEY Bishopville 

CO-OPERATION OF ACTIVITIES OF PATRIOTIC ORGAN- 
IZATIONS 

DR. JOHN E. WHITE, Chairman Anderson 

MISS E. E. McCLINTOCK, 400 W. 118 Street New York City 

E. R. BUCKINGHAM Ellenton 



Organization 13 

RESEARCH AND EDUCATION 

W. M. RIGGS, Chairman Clemson College 

J. E. SIRRINE ,,,,..,. , .Greenville 

J. ROSS HANAHAN Charleston 

CO-OPERATION WITH NEGRO ORGANIZATIONS 

W. I. JOHNS, Chairman Baldock 

BRIGHT WILLIAMSON Darlington 

DR. JAS. A. HAYNE Columbia 

COMMITTEE ON AUDIT 

JOHN G. RICHARDS, Chairman Columbia 

ROBERT McDOUGALL Columbia 

A. C. PHELPS Sumter 

MEDICINE AND SANITATION 

DR. JAS. A. HAYNE, Chairman Columbia 

DR. F. H. McLEOD Florence 

MRS. F. LOUISE MAYES Greenville 



14 Organization 

CHAIRMEN OF COUNTY COUNCILS 

County Chairman Address 

Abbeville W. P. Greene Abbeville 

Aiken Walter E. Duncan Aiken 

Anderson T. Frank Watkins Anderson 

Bamberg E. O. Watson Bamberg 

Barnwell A. M. Kennedy Williston 

Beaufort George Waterhouse Beaufort 

Berkeley L. G. Fultz Moncks Corner 

Calhoun J. E. Wannamaker St. Matthews 

Charleston James O'Hear Charleston 

Cherokee Dr. Lee Davis Lodge Gaffney 

Chester R. B. Caldwell Chester 

Chesterfield L. C Hunley Chesterfield 

Clarendon W. C. Davis Manning 

Colleton W. W. Smoak Walterboro 

Darlington Rev. O. T. Porcher Darlington 

Dillon W. H. Muller Dillon 

Dorchester Dr. J. B. Johnston St. George 

Edgefield N. G. Evans Edgefield 

Fairfield T. K. Elliott Winnsboro 

Florence J. W. McCown Florence 

Georgetown J. L Hazard Georgetown 

Greenville J. B. Bruce Greenville 

Greenwood J. M. Gaines Greenwood 

Hampton E. R. Ginn Varnville 

Horry F. A. Burroughs Conway 

Jasper Senator H. K. Purdy Ridgeland 

Kershaw C. W. Birchmore Camden 

Lancaster Rev. Hugh R. Murchison Lancaster 

Laurens Dr. R. E. Hughes Laurens 

Lee H. W. Woodward Bishopville 

Lexington D. M. Crosson Leesville 

McCormick L. W. Harris McCormick 

Marion R. J. Blackwell Marion 

Marlboro J. L. McLaurin Bennettsville 

Newberry Dr. G. Y. Hunter Prosperity 

Oconee R. T. Jaynes Walhalla 

Orangeburg J. Rutledge Connor Eutawville, R. 2 

Pickens W. E. Findley Pickens 

Richland L. L. Hardin Columbia 

Saluda Dr. L. J. Smith Ridge Spring 

Spartanburg Ben Hill Brown Spartanburg 

Sumter A. C. Phelps Sumter 

Union J. Lowndes Browning Union, R. 2 

Williamsburg George A. McElveen Kingstree 

York (Eastern Dist.) . . . John W. O'Neal Rock Hill 

York (Western Dist.) . . John R. Hart York 



PARTI 
AMERICA AND THE WORLD WAR 



HOW THE WAR CAME TO EUROPE 
From a Clear Sky 

The Opportunity. — In 1914 the German army was at the 
pink of perfection. It could hardly be increased or improved. 
The Russian army was disorganized after the Japanese war 
and many strategic railroads were still unbuilt. The French 
army sadly lacked heavy artillery and other equipment ; be- 
sides France seemed rent by great political scandals. Great 
Britain appeared to be controlled by pacifist ministers and was 
threatened by civil war in Ireland. Now or never was the 
German chance for a great increase of power. The precepts 
of Frederick the Great and of Bismarck forbade that such an 
opportunity should be let slip. 

The Plot. — Serbia was a weak country with a standing 
quarrel (over Bosnia) with Austria, Germany's supply ally. 
Russia was the protector of Serbia, but if an attack were made 
on Serbia either (i) Russia would desert Serbia and let the 
Teutons make a great increase of power in the Balkans at 
little risk or cost, or (2) Russia would help Serbia with arms, 
which would bring on the great war that the Teutons were 
sure they could win. Either outcome seemed desirable. 

The Pretext. — On June 28, 19 14, the Archduke of Austria, 
heir to the throne, Franz Joseph, was murdered at Sarajevo, 
Bosnia, by assassins who seemed to have been instigated from 
Serbia. There was no proof of official sanction by Serbia for 
the deed, but here was an excellent pretext for an ultimatum. 

The Austrian Ultimatum: — On July 23, 1914, at a time 
when Europe seemed remarkably quiet and when many diplo- 
mats were on vacation, Austria sent Serbia a "note" demand- 
ing, not merely the complete punishment of all her anti- 
Austrian agitators, but the allowing of Austrian officials to 
enter Serbia to take charge of the prosecution. No indepen- 
dent government could have admitted such a sweeping claim. 
The Austrians must have imagined the Serbians to be rabbits 
instead of men to have proposed this and expected peace to 



i8 How THE War Came to Europe 

continue. Serbia was given forty-eight hours wherein to decide 
between signing away her national independence or war. 

Russia Becomes Involved. — Russia as Serbia's "great 
brother" begged the Vienna government at least to extend 
the time Hmit to their demands. This was brusquely refused. 
Serbia, however, consented to nearly all the Austrian demands, 
and offered to submit the remainder to the Hague. Not the 
least attention was paid to the suggestion. Less than one hour 
after the Serbian reply was presented, the Austrian minister 
quit Belgrade. On July 28th, 1914, Austria declared war on 
Serbia, although practically all her demands had been con- 
ceded. 

The Kaiser Intrudes. — Russia now appealed to Germany to 
mediate between herself and Austria, making it plain she could 
not, in self-respect, allow Serbia to be overwhelmed without 
aid. Kaiser Wilhelm affected to "mediate", but warned the 
Czar this was an affair between Austria and Serbia, and if 
Russia did not abandon Serbia a great war would follow. 
When the Czar began to mobilize (following mobilization 
already by Austria) the Kaiser took the attitude that Russia 
was really threatening Germany, not Austria, and began coun- 
ter preparations. 

The Kaiser Forces War. — England and France (friendly to 
Russia but anxious for peace) frantically offered moderating 
counsels. At Vienna the dangers of the situation at length 
dawned, and friendly discussions with Russia, for a compro- 
mise, seemed about to recommence. Then as if panic-stricken 
lest their plot be spoiled the war-lords in Berlin caused an 
ultimatum to be sent to the Czar giving him twelve hours to 
demobilize or Germany would strike. A similar demand was 
sent to France (Russia's ally). The tones of these mandates 
were utterly insulting. No great nation could have cringed 
to them. August ist, 1914, Germany declared war on Russia, 
although the latter was still at peace with Austria, in whose 
behalf the Kaiser claimed to be acting. 

The Road to Paris. — Prussian military plans required the 
first attack should be on innocent France, whose only crime 
was that she would not betray her Russian ally. The best 
road to Paris lay across Belgium, and whether Germany would 



How THE War Came to Europe 19 

forego martial advantage out of respect for the neutral rights 
of a small neighboring state and for her plighted honor had 
long been a mooted question in European military circles. The 
German choice between advantage and honesty was soon man- 
ifest. On August 4, 1914, the Germans entered Belgium, an 
unoffending, happy country, whose 7,000,000 peaceful people 
had not one iota of interest in the miserable Balkan quarrel, 
nor in the affairs of Austria, Germany, Russia or France. 

The Scrap of Paper. — England had been very friendly to 
France and Russia, but there was no formal alliance. A strong 
peace party existed, and England might well have kept out of 
the war — at least for the first few months when (as events 
turned out) Germany, without English intervention, might 
have won a complete victory. But England's honor was deeply 
concerned in defending her treaty, which guaranteed Belgium. 
The violation of this solemn compact silenced the British peace 
advocates. When the British ambassador went to Bethmann- 
Hollweg to give Germany the choice between keeping honor 
as to Belgium or fighting England, the Chancellor cynically 
demanded whether England would go to war "jiist for a scrap 
of paper?" 

German statesmen evidently misunderstood the way in 
which Frenchmen, Englishmen and Americans take solemn 
treaties and promises. 

England declared war on August 5, 1914. 

The Austrian note to Serbia had been presented, out of an 
almost clear sky, on July 23rd. Only twelve days had sufficed 
to change the world from Eden to Gehenna. What will seem 
the responsibility of the Teutonic arch-plotters when they 
stand at the bar of universal history? — W. S. D., in Facts 
Ahont the War, University of Minnesota. 

How the War Came to Belgium 

The violation of Belgium made it practically impossible for 
all but hopelessly prejudiced people to look with favor upon 
the German cause. It became a standing refutation of the 
claim that the Teutons fought merely in defense of their sorely 
assailed "Kultur," and not for brutal aggrandizement. The 
main facts are known to every intelligent person, but there is 



20 How THE War Came to Europe 

utility in marking the exact stages which led up to what has 
been called "the most woeful event in history." 

1839. Prussia, France, England, Austria and Russia sign 
a joint treaty guaranteeing the "perpetual neutrality" of Bel- 
gium. 

1870. Bismarck (during the Franco-Prussian war) besides 
giving assurances to England, gives Belgium written assur- 
ances that her neutrality would be respected. 

1907. Second Hague Conference. Convention adopted by 
all the powers (including Germany) that the territory of 
neutrals was inviolable, that no armies should be sent across 
them, and that it was the duty of neutrals to resist such 
attempts by force of arms. 

191 1. Bethmann-Hollweg directs the German minister at 
Brussels to assure Belgium "Germany has no intention of 
violating Belgium neutrality." 

1913. Von Jagow (Bethmann-Hollweg's chief assistant) 
declares in the Reichstag that Germany would respect the 
neutrality of Belgium, and the international treaties. 

July 31, 19 14. Bethmann-Hollweg evades the question 
when asked by the English ambassador at Berlin whether the 
neutrality with Belgium would be respected in case of war 
with France. 

Aug. 2, 1914. German minister at Brussels reassures the 
Belgian government "unofficially" that so far as he knew the 
neutrality of Belgium would be respected. 

Aug. 2, 1914. (Later in same day) Germany sends word 
to Brussels that in view of [non-existent] French schemes 
for violating Belgium, Germany also may have to enter the 
country. 

Aug. 3, 1914. Belgium denies any such French schemes 
exist and declares that Germany should not threaten her. 

Aug. 4, 1914. (6 A. M.) Germany formally declares war on 
Belgium for having declined its "well-intentioned proposals." 
German troops begin to cross the frontier. 

Aug. 4, 19 14 (later in same day) Bethmann-Hollweg in 
Reichstag boldly avows that the occupation of Belgium "is 
contrary to the dictates of international laiv." [But from mili- 
tary necessity] "we must over-ride the just protests of Bel- 



How THE War Came to Europe 21 

gium. The wrong — I speak openly — we are committing, we 
will make good as soon as our military goal has been reached." 
"We are now in a state of necessity, and necessity knozvs no 
law." 

And so Prussianism unmasked itself. 

The Belgian Deportations. — The Belgian deportations came 
two years after Belgium had first been violated by the Prus- 
sians. The invaders knew perfectly well what America and 
other then neutral nations would think of their actions, but in 
contempt for us and for every possible appeal of humanity 
they went ahead in cold blood. 

In the fall of 19 16 the German authorities having stripped 
Belgium of all raw materials, closed her factories, ruined her 
commerce, starved her people and crushed them down by con- 
stant war fines ($8,000,000 per month regularly, besides many 
extra and greater ones), began to deport the inhabitants, hus- 
bands, fathers and bread winners — to Germany, there to toil 
at forced labor in German factories with pitiful wages and 
rations, or to starve utterly in prison camps more noxious than 
even the worst reserved for prisoners of war. 

Similar deeds can hardly be recalled since the wicked days 
of Sennacherib of Assyria and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon. 

The protests of Cardinal Mercier and of President Wilson 
were powerless to move the German military tyrants of Bel- 
gium (Von Bissing and his peers) who understood no con- 
siderations which were not military, no appeal save that of the 
sword, although vague promises of "mitigations" were ex- 
tended. 

Early in November it was reported that the Germans were 
deporting "all men fit to bear arms, rich and poor, irrespective 
of class, whether employed or unemployed. Hunchbacks, 
cripples and one-armed persons alone are excepted. These 
men have been torn in thousands from their families; 15,000 
from Flanders alone are sent God knows where, whole train- 
loads are going east and south." Later reports so swelled the 
numbers that it was declared the intention of the Germans to 
deport 400,000 in all before the process was ended. 

Cardinal Mercier, the heroic primate of Belgium, flung this 
protest to the horrified world : "Today all able-bodied men 



22 How THE War Came to Europe 

are carried off pell-mell, penned up in railway vans and 
deported to unknown destinations like slave gangs. 

"The whole truth is that each deported workman means 
another soldier for the German army. He will take the place 
of a German workman, who will he made a soldier. 

["Now] parties of soldiers enter by force peaceful homes 
tearing youth from parent, husband from wife, father from 
children. They bar with the bayonet the door through which 
wives and mothers wish to pass to say farewell to those de- 
parting. They herd their captives in groups of tens and 
twenties and push them into cars. As soon as the train is filled 
the officer in charge brusquely waves the signal for departure. 
Thus thousands of Belgians are being reduced to slavery." 
[New York Times "Current History," December, 1916, p. 
478-481.] 

No, this has not happened in Nineveh or Babylon or in the 
days of Nero and heathen Rome. 

It has happened just a few weeks or months ago. 

American soldiers (your friends perhaps) will, very likely, 
soon be lying dead, killed by German workmen whom these 
Belgian slaves have released from the factories to go to the 
trenches. 

We are at war with Germany, and unless we defeat her 
speedily Americans (whom her militarists hate as they never 
hated harmless Belgium) will suffer worse things than these. — 
W. S. D., in Facts About the War, University of Minnesota. 

How Belgium Responded 

"Three years ago today, Aug. 3, 1914, my country was free. 
On August 2, in the evening, my Government had received a 
most insulting ultimatum from Germany, demanding unim- 
peded passage for her troops and offering a bribe, to sell our 
honor and to disregard our plighted word. 

"We were given 12 hours within which to reply. The time 
was more than enough. Yet, there could be only one answer. 
The King summoned his cabinet and his ministers of state. 
They were all of one mind. In fact, there was absolute unan- 
imity of thought in every Belgian mind, and there was not a 
dissenting voice in the council of the King. Belgium's reply 



How THE War Came to Europe 23 

was sent to the German legation before 7 o'clock in the morn- 
ing of August 3. You all know the substance of that reply. 
One sentence of the document reads : 'The Belgian Govern- 
ment, if they were to accept the proposals submitted to them, 
would sacrifice the honor of the nation and betray their duties 
toward Europe.' Neither Belgium's liberty nor her honor was 
for sale. 

"You all know what has happened since that fateful day three 
years ago. My country has been ravaged with fire and sword. 
Old men, women and children have been deliberately and 
ruthlessly massacred. Our war materials and our crops 
have been seized without payment, our factories have been 
destroyed, our machinery has been stolen and sent into Ger- 
many; and, crowning infamy of the centuries, our workmen 
have been torn from their homes and sent into slavery. The 
Belgian people still stand caged behind steel bars, formed of 
German bayonets. Those who have escaped fire and sword 
and nameless evils are still hungry, famished and enslaved, 
ground down beneath the heel of the tyrant. But their courage 
remains unbroken and unbreakable. 

"No true-hearted Belgian regrets the decision which was 
made three years ago. They are ready to lay down their lives 
for liberty. They know that in the end justice will triumph. As 
our King said three years ago, 'A country which defends itself 
commands the respect of all the world and cannot perish.' " — 
Baron Moncheur, Head of the Belgian Mission to the United 
States, in an address before the Massachusetts Constitutional 
Convention, Boston, Aug. 3, 1917. • 

When a deed is done for Freedom, through the broad earth's aching 

breast 
Runs a thrill of joy prophetic, trembling on from east to west; 
For mankind are one in spirit, and an instinct bears along, 
Round the earth's electric circle, the swift flash of right or wrong ; 
Whether conscious or unconscious, yet Humanity's vast frame 
Through its ocean-sundered fibres feels the gush of joy or shame; — 
In the gain or loss of one race all the rest have equal claim. 

— James Russell Lowell. 



24 How THE War Came to Europe 

The Ethics of the Invasion of Belgium 

"I am a gentleman of independent means and important 
position, living in one of the best sections of Washington City. 
I have money and all the comforts of life ; but my family is 
growing up rapidly and I find my house a little too small. I 
am therefore breaking a door into the adjoining house where 
there lives a widow who is unable to defend herself. If she 
is quiet and submissive, I will allow her to occupy the hall 
room on the third floor. But if she says a word, I will split 
her head open with a battle-ax." — John Delafield. 

Where the War Has Hit the Hardest: Poland 

If this war ends without the redemption of Poland as a 
nation and without all the Poles, not merely those in Russia, 
but in Prussia and Austria also, being united under their own 
flag and government, one of the most terrible tragedies in 
human history will have been enacted in vain. 

Belgium has seemed nearer, but Poland — the battle ground 
of three years of mighty armies — has suffered even more. The 
alleged facts are so terrible as to stagger imagination, yet 
they seem authentic. Here are the cold figures : 

In 1914 there were 34,000,000 Poles. Since then 14,000,000 
from one cause or another have perished. (Try to think what 
one million dead persons would seem.) 

Practically all children in Poland under seven years of age 
have ceased to exist ; disease and hunger have claimed them all. 

Property worth $11,000,000 has been destroyed. 

1,600 churches have been destroyed. 

200 cities and towns and about 20,000 villages have been 
razed to the ground. [See New York Times, Current His- 
tory, October, 19 16, p. 196.] 

And all this was smiling country full of industrious and 
harmless people three short years ago, just before the Kaiser 
and his military "experts" precipitated war on less than two 
weeks' notice. 

It is for us Americans to see to it that this devil's work 
can never happen again. — W. S. D., in Facts About the War, 
University of Minnesota. 



How THE War Came to America 25 

HOW THE WAR CAME TO AMERICA 

The Submarine Aggressions 

The more important stages whereby American patience was 
exhausted : 

1. Dec. 24th, 1914 (Christmas Eve — fit day!) — Admiral 
von Tirpitz throws out a newspaper suggestion on an "unlim- 
ited submarine policy," and directly asks — "What will America 
say?" 

2. Feb. 4th, 191 5. Germany declares a "war zone" around 
the British Isles, without protection to crew or ship passengers. 

3. Feb. loth, 191 5. America warns Germany that harm 
thus done to American citizens will involve "strict account- 
ability." 

4. March 28th, 191 5. "Falaba" sunk, one American per- 
ishes. 

5. May 1st, 1915. American steamer "Gulflight" tor- 
pedoed. 

6. May ist, 1915. German embassy publishes warning in 
New York and other American papers against Americans sail- 
ing on "Lusitania," although United States government had 
decided such action proper and lawful. 

7. May 7th, 1915. "Lusitania" sunk; 114 Americans 
(many women and children) drowned. 

8. May 15th, 1915. Mr. Wilson's "First Note" of protest 
at submarine policy. 

9. May 28th, 191 5. German rejoinder defending "Lusi- 
tania" sinking. 

10. June 9th, 19 1 5. Mr. Wilson's "Second Note" of pro- 
test ; just subsequent to Mr. Bryan's resignation. 

11. July 8th, 19 1 5. Germany promises Mr. Gerard at least 
to protect American and neutral ships. 

12. July 2ist, 1915. Mr. Wilson's "Third Note" of pro- 
test. 

13. Aug. 19th, 1915. "Arabic" sunk unwarned; two 
Americans perish. 

14. Sept. 1st, 1915. Ambassador Bernstorff gives solemn 
promise at Washington that "liners" will not be sunk without 
warning. 



26 How THE War Came to America 

15. Dec. 30th, 1915. "Persia" sunk unwarned in Medi- 
terranean ; an American consul going to his post of duty per- 
ishes. 

16. Jan. 7th, 1916. Germany promises still again that in 
the Mediterranean, at least, no ships should be sunk unwarned, 

17. Feb. i6th, 1916. Germany, seeking a money compro- 
mise about the "Lusitania," says that she has now "limited her 
submarine warfare, because of her long standing friendship 
with the United States." 

18. March 24th, 1916. "Sussex" (British Channel pas- 
senger steamer) torpedoed. Several Americans injured. 

19. April i8th, 1916. (Following clear proof in the Sus- 
sex affair of the breach of German promises) Mr. Wilson 
threatens to break friendly relations unless outrages cease. 

20. May 4th, 191 6. Germany formally promises to respect 
international law and not sink ships unwarned. ("Promise 
No. 5.") 

21. Oct. 9th, 19 1 6. A German submarine sinks five mer- 
chant vessels (one Dutch neutral) off American coast. Heavy 
loss of life inevitable if American destroyers had not rescued 
passengers and crews. 

22. Jan, 31st, 1917. Germany (having now built sufficient 
U-boats) tears up her "pieces of paper" to us and proclaims 
"unlimited submarine warfare" ("running amuck," says Mr, 
Wilson), 

23. Feb. 3rd. 19 1 7. Mr. Wilson gives von Bernstorff his 
passports. 

24. Feb. 4 to April 2, 1917. Seven American ships sunk; 
at least 13 American citizens on them perish, as well as several 
on non-American ships. 

25. April 2, 19 1 7. Mr. Wilson asks for war. 

These are only part of the outrages, protests and promises : 
a record of patience on our part unparalleled in history ! — 
W. S. D., in Facts Aboiit the War, University of Minnesota. 



How THE War Came to America 27 

America's Case Against Germany 

1. Some two hundred and fifty American citizens, exercising 
rights unquestioned under the law of nations, and traveling 
under the presumed protection of their Government, have been 
killed by agents of the Imperial German Government. 

2. The German Government was solemnly warned by the 
Government of the United States on February 10, 19 15, that 
such acts were "an indefensible violation of neutral rights," 
and that our Government "would take any steps it might be 
necessary to take, to safeguard American lives, and to secure 
to American citizens full enjoyment of their acknowledged 
rights on the high seas." 

3. In spite of this protest and warning, more than once 
repeated, such unlawful killing of Americans continued at 
intervals during two years. 

4. In addition to the submarine attacks, the German Govern- 
ment, through its diplomatic representatives and other agents, 
carried on throughout 191 5 and 1916 a secret campaign against 
our domestic security and order, by fomenting strikes, hiring 
criminals to destroy munition plants and other property, sub- 
sidizing a propaganda of disloyalty among citizens of German 
birth, placing spies in our offices of government, and organ- 
izing upon American soil unlawful conspiracies and military 
expeditions against countries with which we were at peace. 

5. On January 31, 191 7, the German Government pro- 
claimed that it would destroy without warning, and without 
safeguarding the lives of passengers and seamen, ships of any 
nationality (regardless of the character of their cargoes and 
their destinations) which might be found by German sub- 
marines in certain vast areas of the high seas. 

6. This renewed and enlarged threat, and defiance of the 
warnings of our Government, was speedily carried out, several 
American ships, some of them bound for American ports, being 
destroyed, with loss of American lives, during February and 
March, 1917. 

7. These acts constituted acts of war by Germany against 
the United States, and were formally recognized as such by 
the two houses of Congress on April 4th and 6th, 19 17. We 
are at war, then, because Germany made war upon us. We 



28 How THE War Came to America 

had no alternative, except abject submission to lawless coer- 
cion. — National Security League's Handbook. 

Why We Are Fighting Germany 

We fight Germany — 

Because of Belgium — invaded, outraged, enslaved, impover- 
ished Belgium. We can not forget Liege, Louvain, and Car- 
dinal Mercier. Translated into terms of American history, 
these names stand for Bunker Hill, Lexington, and Patrick 
Henry. 

Because of France — invaded, desecrated France, a million 
of whose heroic sons have died to save the land of Lafayette. 
Glorious golden France, the preserver of the arts, the land 
of noble spirit — the first land to follow our lead into repub- 
lican liberty. 

Because of England — from whom came the laws, traditions, 
standards of life, and inherent love of liberty which we call 
Anglo-Saxon civilization. We defeated her once upon the 
land and once upon the sea. But Australia, New Zealand, 
Africa, and Canada are free because of what we did. And 
they are with us in the fight for the freedom of the seas. 

Because of Russia — New Russia. She must not be over- 
whelmed now. Not now, surely, when she is just born into 
freedom. Her peasants must have their chance ; they must 
go to school to Washington, to Jefiferson, and to Lincoln until 
they know their way about in this new, strange world of gov- 
ernment by the popular will. 

Because of other peoples, with their rising hope that the 
world may be freed from government by the soldier. 

We are fighting Germany because she sought to terrorize 
us and then to fool us. We could not believe that Germany 
would do what she said she would do upon the seas. 

We still hear the piteous cries of children coming up out of 
the sea where the Lusitania went down. And Germany has 
never asked forgiveness of the world. 

We saw the Sussex sunk, crowded with the sons and 
daughters of neutral nations. 

We saw ship after ship sent to the bottom— ships of mercy 
bound out of America for the Belgian starving; ships carry- 



How THE War Came to America 29 

ing the Red Cross and laden with the wounded of all nations ; 
ships carrying food and clothing to friendly, harmless, ter- 
rorized peoples ; ships flying the Stars and Stripes — sent to the 
bottom hundreds of miles from shore, manned by American 
seamen, murdered against all law, without warning. 

We believed Germany's promise that she would respect the 
neutral flag and the rights of neutrals, and we held our anger 
and outrage in check. But now we see that she was holding 
us off with fair promises until she could build her huge fleet 
of submarines. For when spring came she blew her promise 
into the air, just as at the beginning she had torn up that 
"scrap of paper." Then we saw clearly that there was but 
one law for Germany — her will to rule. 

We are fighting Germany because she violated our confi- 
dence. Paid German spies filled our cities. Officials of her 
Government, received as the guests of this Nation, lived with 
us to bribe and terrorize, defying our law and the law of 
nations. 

We are fighting Germany because while we were yet her 
friends — the only great power that still held hands off — she 
sent the Zimmermann note, calling to her aid Mexico, our 
southern neighbor, and hoping to lure Japan, our western 
neighbor, into war against this Nation of peace. 

The nation that would do these things proclaims the gospel 
that government has no conscience. And this doctrine can 
not live, or else democracy must die. For the nations of the 
world must keep faith. There can be no living for us in a 
world where the state has no conscience, no reverence for the 
things of the spirit, no respect for international law, no mercy 
for those who fall before its force. What an unordered world ! 
Anarchy ! The anarchy of rival wolf packs ! 

We are fighting Germany because in this war feudalism is 
making its last stand against on-coming democracy. We see 
it now. This is a war against an old spirit, an ancient, out- 
worn spirit. It is a war against feudalism — the right of the 
castle on the hill to rule the village below. It is a war for 
democracy — the right of all to be their own masters. Let 
Germany be feudal if she will, but she must not spread her 
system over the world that has outgrown it. Feudalism plus 



3b How THE War Came to America 

science, thirteenth century plus twentieth — this is the religion 
of the mistaken Germany that has linked itself with the Turk ; 
that has, too, adopted the method of Mahomet. "The state 
has no conscience." "The state can do no wrong." With 
the spirit of the fanatic she believes this gospel and that it is 
her duty to spread it by force. With poison gas that makes 
living a hell, with submarines that sneak through the seas to 
slyly murder non-combatants, with dirigibles that bombard 
men and women while they sleep, with a perfected system of 
terrorization that the modern world first heard of when Ger- 
man troops entered China, German feudalism is making war 
upon mankind. Let this old spirit of evil have its way and no 
man will live in America without paying toll to it in manhood 
and in money. This spirit might demand Canada from a 
defeated, navyless England, and then our dream of peace on 
the north would be at an end. We would live, as France has 
lived for 40 years, in haunting terror. 

America speaks for the world in fighting Germany. Mark 
on a map those countries which are Germany's allies and you 
will mark but four, running from the Baltic through Austria 
and Bulgaria to Turkey. All the other nations the whole 
globe around are in arms against her or are unable to move. 
There is deep meaning in this. We fight with the world for 
an honest world in which nations keep their word, for a world 
in which nations do not live by swagger or by threat, for a 
world in which men think of the ways in which they can 
conquer the common cruelties of nature instead of inventing 
more horrible cruelties to inflict upon the spirit and body of 
man, for a world in which the ambition or the philosophy of a 
few shall not make miserable all mankind, for a world in which 
the man is held more precious than the machine, the system, 
or the state. — Frankin K. Lane, Secretary of the Interior. 

America Caught by the Inevitable 

It is plain enough how we were forced into the war. The 
extraordinary insults and aggressions of the Imperial German 
Government left us no self-respecting choice but to take up 
arms in defense of our rights as a free people and of our 
honor as a sovereign government. The military masters of 



How THE War Came to America 31 

Germany denied us the right to be neutral. They filled our 
unsuspecting communities with vicious spies and conspirators 
and sought to corrupt the opinion of our people in their own 
behalf. When they found that they could not do that, their 
agents diligently spread sedition amongst us and sought to 
draw our own citizens from their allegiance, — and some of 
those agents were men connected with the official Embassy of 
the German Government itself here in our own capital. They 
sought by violence to destroy our industries and arrest our 
commerce. They tried to incite Mexico to take up arms 
against us and to draw Japan into a hostile alliance with her, — 
and that, not by indirection, but by direct suggestion from the 
Foreign Office in Berlin. They impudently denied us the use 
of the high seas and repeatedly executed their threat that they 
would send to their death any of our people who ventured to 
approach the coasts of Europe. And many of our own people 
were corrupted. Men began to look upon their own neighbors 
with suspicion and to wonder in their hot resentment and sur- 
prise whether there was any community in which hostile 
intrigue did not lurk. What great nation in such circum- 
stances would not have taken up arms? Much as we had 
desired peace, it was denied us, and not of our own choice. 
This flag under which we serve would have been dishonored 
had we withheld our hand. 

But that is only part of the story. We know now as clearly 
as we knew before we were ourselves engaged that we are not 
the enemies of the German people and that they are not our 
enemies. They did not originate or desire this hideous war or 
wish that we should be drawn into it ; and we are vaguely 
conscious that we are fighting their cause, as they will some 
day see it, as well as our own. They are themselves in the 
grip of the same sinister power that has now at last stretched 
its ugly talons out and drawn blood from us. The whole 
world is at war because the whole world is in the grip of that 
power and is trying out the great battle which shall determine 
whether it is to be brought under its mastery or fling itself 
free. 

The war was begun by the military masters of Germany, 
v/ho proved to be also the masters of Austria-Hungary. These 



32 How THE War Came to America 

men have never regarded nations as peoples, men, women, and 
children of like blood and frame as themselves, for whom 
governments existed and in whom governments had their life. 
They have regarded them merely as serviceable organizations 
which they could by force or intrigue bend or corrupt to their 
own purpose. They have regarded the smaller states, in par- 
ticular, and the peoples who could be overwhelmed by force, 
as their natural tools and instruments of domination. Their 
purpose has long been avowed. The statesmen of other 
nations, to whom that purpose was incredible, paid little atten- 
tion; regarded what German professors expounded in their 
classrooms and German writers set forth to the world as the 
goal of German policy as rather the dream of minds detached 
from practical affairs, as preposterous private conceptions of 
German destiny, than as the actual plans of responsible rulers ; 
but the rulers of Germany themselves knew all the while what 
concrete plans, what well advanced intrigues lay back of what 
the professors and the writers were saying, and were glad to 
go forward unmolested, filling the thrones of Balkan states 
with German princes, putting German officers at the service 
of Turkey to drill her armies and make interest with her gov- 
ernment, developing plans of sedition and rebellion in India 
and Egypt, setting their fires in Persia. The demands made 
by Austria upon Servia were a mere single step in a plan which 
compassed Europe and Asia, from Berlin to Bagdad. They 
hoped those demands might not arouse Europe, but they 
meant to press them whether they did or not, for they thought 
themselves ready for the final issue of arms. — (From Presi- 
dent Wilson's Flag Day Address, June 14, 191 7.) 

The German Tragedy 

We must accept the German challenge, if we would have 
peace. If we were contending with an uncivilized people, we 
might hope to gradually educate them to higher standards, 
but we are not. We are contending with a philosophy of 
scientific savagery evolved by people who, in their personal 
relations, are civilized, but who, collectively, acting as a state, 
are under what seems to many a tragic obsession. The only 
thing that will cure them of this obsession is a conclusive and 



How THE War Came to America 33 

overwhelming proof that it does not pay, and that can only be 
accomplished by defeat. In helping to bring this about, the 
United States must realize it will be required to make a 
supreme sacrifice. It will need not only all of its physical and 
material resources, but it must exemplify the very highest 
moral qualities at the same time. Discipline, self-restraint, 
courage and tenacity must be shown, if we are to rid the world 
of the plague which this philosophy has brought upon it and 
enable civilized man to again resume his progress in the direc- 
tion of humanity, respect for treaty obligations, and inter- 
national decency. — Dr. Henry W. Farnam of Yale University. 

A Solemn Moment 

It is a solemn moment when a nation has the scales of faith 
in another nation stripped from its eyes and begins to see 
clearly. For in these past few months we have seen a nation 
we have honored, whose universities we have attended, whose 
literature we have studied, stripped of spiritual leadership. 
Never again can Germany be what it has been to the world. 
We have seen brutality where we had been accustomed to see 
power, ruthlessness where we had seen efficiency, deception 
where we had seen ideals, greed for land and money where 
we had seen philosophy and statecraft. Germany itself has 
worked the disillusionment. Germany itself has transformed 
our respect into apprehension, our neutrality into war. Our 
task is perfectly plain. With strong faith in the God who is 
carrying things forward toward freedom and justice, we set 
ourselves to defend our national existence, international law, 
and democracy. — Shailer Mathews of Chicago University, 
Chautauqua., N. Y., July 4, 19 17. 

America's Attitude 

It is infinitely better for the United States to go to war, 
even should the Allies lose, than for us never to have gone 
into the war. 

There would be a bar sinister across the escutcheon of 
America for all time if we had not entered the war. (And 
simply sat back and grown rich on the sorrows of the rest of 
the world.) 



34 How THE War Came to America 

Too many in this country regard the United States as a 
great corporation from which they draw dividends, but to 
which they do not owe any duty. 

The leading nation in causing this war has exhibited a 
mahgnant treachery of which the Apache Indians would be 
ashamed. 

If a man three years ago had mentioned the idea of a great 
passenger steamer carrying women and children being sunk, 
if he had mentioned the thousand other atrocities which this 
war has developed, he would have been voted a hopeless idiot. 

The outraging of Belgium by the Germans stands unequalled 
for ruthlessness and atrocities since the days of Babylon. 
Women, children and men were torn away without half the 
consideration accorded to blacks in our own nation in the 
worst days of slavery. 

The /trained men and munitions which France sent to 
America in our Revolutionary War put our backwoodsmen on 
some kind of an equal footing with the trained and equipped 
soldiery of England. The indispensable aid of France caused 
the triumph of Yorktown and crowned the colonies with suc- 
cess. 

France helped us in our hour of need ; now play a man's 
part and repay the debt. 

We have taken up our cross and are ascending towards 
Calvary to advance the progress of mankind to that event 
toward which all creation moves. — James M. Beck, Former 
Assistant Attorney General of the United States, St. Paul, 
June 2, 1917. 

The Issue : Autocracy Against Democracy 

If autocracy succeeds in Europe, democracy is not safe in 
America. If the free peoples of Europe are crushed, the 
crushing of the free peoples of America comes next in order. 
This is inevitable — not a matter of opinion but of necessary 
consequence, for if Germany controls Europe we stand as the 
one great opposing force to all she represents in the world. 
Autocracy and democracy are normal antagonists. They can- 
not abide in peace. War is the only state possible between 
them. Force is the weapon of autocracy and cruelty its normal 



The Menace of Prussianism 35 

expression. The rape of Belgium, if it succeeds, is the prelude 
to the rape of South Carolina. In stealing the daughters of 
France from their homes for the purpose of being, in polite 
language, "servants of German officers," you see but the pre- 
lude to what would come upon the daughters of America. An 
American woman and child is no more sacred in the eyes of 
autocracy than is an English woman and child. The sea is 
no barrier, rather the reverse. It is the convenient and ready 
means of passage. If Germany wins this war America must 
bear a military burden equal at least to the German power 
which in a few days could threaten an American port. Think 
what she has already done. Her agents have been far and 
wide throughout our land wrecking factories, attempting to 
control the press, making surveys, manufacturing bombs, con- 
spiring, in short, to destroy ships carrying harmless and inno- 
cent passengers. Is the Lttsitania so soon forgotten, or the 
Sussex or the hundreds of cases in which men, and women, 
too, have been exposed in open boats to the winter sea? Has 
one read the gentle proclamation posted in Belgium that if a 
wire is found cut in any neighborhood, all the people in the 
vicinity shall be immediately killed? These things have not 
as yet threatened us. We are in arms that they shall not do 
so, but they show what the autocracy is against which we 
fight. — Letter of Willimn C. Redfield, Secretary of Commerce, 
to Hon. R. E. Coker, Aug. 24, 191 7. 

THE MENACE OF PRUSSIANISM 

How Germany is Governed 

Among all great peoples Germany today gives her citizens 
the least political freedom. Even Austria and benighted Tur- 
key have, on paper at least, more liberal constitutions than she. 
Germany has tried to unite modern scientific progress and 
efficiency with seventeenth century autocracy — a non-moral 
and unnatural union. 

The Autocratic Emperor. — The Kaiser gets most of his 
power as King of Prussia, wherein his authority is absolute 
indeed, but as Emperor of the 26 states of the German federa- 
tion he has practically complete control of the foreign affairs, 
army and navy of the empire. In 1914 Wilhelm II declared 



36 The Menace of Prussianism 

war on France and Russia by his own personal fiat, and after 
that called together his parliament and asked for a grant of 
money to wage a war about which the people had never been 
consulted. 

The Ftitile Reichstag. — This parliament is indeed elected 
on a fairly popular basis, but it is really little more than a pre- 
tentious, officially recognized debating club. It cannot orig- 
inate any important law. It has never been able to defeat 
any law which the government was really anxious to force 
through. If it resisted it was dissolved, and offi^cial influence 
got one more obedient elected. It cannot dismiss the imperial 
ministers, who can snap their fingers at adverse votes so long 
as the Kaiser supports them. 

The Oligarchic Federal-Council. — This is a more powerful 
body. But it is a secret conclave of deputies not from the 
German people but from the various German reigning princes. 
Thanks to the great power here alloted to Prussia, the Kaiser 
can almost always have his way. The Federal Council is 
accountable to nobody but the "majesties, highnesses and 
serenities" which send out the members. It is one of the non- 
democratic, and also one of the most influential bodies in the 
world. 

The Still Less Democratic Government of Prussia. — Sixty 
per cent, of all Germans live in the kingdom of Prussia. Nearly 
all local problems belong to the several German states. It is 
as King of Prussia that Wilhelm II has his greatest real 
authority. Prussia has the mere similacrum of free institu- 
tions. The phantom thereof was granted in 1850 by Friedrich 
Wilhelm IV, the great uncle of the present Kaiser, a man who 
hated constitutional rule so much that a little earlier he had 
asserted, "I will never let a sheet of paper (i. e., a constitution) 
be placed between God and our country to make its paragraphs 
our rulers." He granted this pretended constitution merely to 
satisfy popular clamor. 

In Prussia the King has absolute veto on all laws, and 
creates and dismisses his ministers at his own sweet will. 

There is a very powerful "House of Lords" of great princes 
and "life peers" chosen by the King. 

The Outrageoiis Prussian Electoral System. — Even thus 



The Menace of Prussianism 37 

hampered the "lower house" of the parliament is not chosen by 
a fair ballot. Voting- is open — the government and the Junker 
landlord can know just how every peasant stands. The choice 
of deputies is divided on a complicated system between three 
classes of the population, graded according to the amount of 
taxes they pay. Each class has equal influence. About 3 per 
cent, belong to the first class of voters (wealthy), 9.5 per cent, 
to the second class (with moderate means), 87.5 per cent, to 
the third class (all the rest of the population). In some dis- 
tricts there is only one voter of the first class ! — the great 
landlord, whose voice counts for 33 1-3 per cent, of the whole 
electoral body. In the Prussian election of 1903, thanks to this 
system, 324,000 "conservative" voters chose 143 legislators, 
and 314,000 "Social Democrats" did not count for enough to 
choose a single one. 

Under these circumstances it is easy to see why Prussia is a 
perfect paradise for Junker conservatism, and that the military 
caste (largely sprung from the Prussian landed aristocracy) 
is struggling against the least change in this abominable sys- 
tem. — W. S. D., in Facts About the War, University of Minne- 
sota. 

Why Germany is not a Democracy 

1. Because Prussia, which dominates the German Empire 
and comprises two-thirds of its population, is ruled by a king 
who professes to hold his crown by divine right. The Prussian 
Constitution exists only by the king's pleasure, and may be 
revoked by him whenever he sees fit. 

2. Because the entire executive power of the German Em- 
pire is wielded by the Imperial Chancellor, appointed by the 
Emperor, to whom alone he is responsible, and by whom alone 
he can be removed. 

3. Because the greater part of the legislative power of the 
Empire is wielded by the Bundesrat, which represents solely 
the rulers of the twenty-five federated states. In this body most 
legislation is initiated ; its consent is necessary to every law 
passed by the Reichstag; and through it the Princes of Ger- 
many, and chiefly the Emperor (as King of Prussia), who 



38 The Menace of Prussianism 

directly controls one-third of its votes, have an absolute veto 
upon the action of the Reichstag. 

4. Because the Emperor, in conjunction with the Bundesrat, 
has power to declare war without consulting- the Reichstag. In 
case of alleged attack by a foreign country, he may — as in 1914 
— declare war without even the consent of the Bundesrat. 

5. Because the electoral districts of the Reichstag (which 
have not been changed since 1871) are so unequal that, while 
a Berlin deputy represents on the average 125,000 voters, a 
deputy from the Junker districts of East Prussia represents 
only 24,000. This gives a wholly disproportionate voting 
power to the agrarian interests and the landed aristocracy. 

6. Because the kingdom of Prussia is likewise ruled by an 
executive responsible neither to Parliament nor to the people, 
but only to the sovereign. 

7. Because the upper house of the Prussian Diet consists of 
members of the nobility, created and selected by the king, and 
is for all practical purposes completely subject to his control. 

8. Because the House of Representatives in the Prussian 
Diet is elected in the following manner : the voters in each 
district are divided into three classes according to the taxes 
paid by them. Those few who pay the first third of the entire 
tax constitute one class ; those who pay the second third, 
another ; while the third class consists of those who pay the 
remainder of the taxes. Each of these groups, voting sepa- 
rately, elects an equal number of delegates to a convention, 
which chooses the representatives of that constituency in the 
lower house of the Diet. By this unequal franchise, the 4 per 
cent, of the population, making up the first class, have as 
much representation in the Diet as the 82 per cent, making up 
the third class. In one district, for example, 370 rich men had 
the same voting capacity as 22,000 poor men ; in some districts 
a single individual constitutes the first class, and exercises 
one-third of the voting power. 

9. Because the Great General Staff of the German army, 
which is subject to no civil or elective authority but only to 
the Emperor, is practically one of the principal organs of gov- 
ernment, exercising in many matters an authority superior to 
that of either the Diet or the Reichstag. An eminent German 



The Menace of Prussianism 39 

publicist, Professor Delbriick, has recently declared: "The 
essence of our monarchy resides in its relations with the army. 
Whoever knows our officers must know that they would never 
tolerate the government of a minister of war issuing from 
parliament." — National Security League's Handbook. 

Germany's Theory of War: "Out of Their Own Mouths" 

The words of Frederick the Great — 

"If possible, the powers * * * should be made envious 
against one another, in order to give occasion for a coup when 
the opportunity arises. 

"If a ruler is obliged to sacrifice his own person for the 
welfare of his subjects, he is all the more obliged to sacrifice 
treaty engagements, the continuance of which would be harm- 
ful to his country. Is it better that a nation should perish, or 
that a sovereign should break his treaty ? 

"Statesmanship can be reduced to three principles : First, to 
maintain your power and, according to circumstances, to ex- 
tend it; second, to form alliances for your own advantage; 
third, to command fear and respect even in the most disas- 
trous times. 

"Do not be ashamed of making interested alliances from 
which you can derive the whole advantage. Do not make the 
mistake of not breaking them if * * * your interests require. 

"To despoil your neighbors is to deprive them of the means 
of injuring you. 

"When he is about to conclude a treaty * * * if a sovereign 
remembers he is a Christian, he is lost." 

The mords of The Kaiser — 

"We Hohenzollerns take our crown from God alone. 

"On me the spirit of God has descended * * * who opposes 

me, I shall crush * * *." 

***** 

"Whoever uses force, without any consideration and without 
sparing blood, has sooner or later the advantage if the enemy 
does not proceed in the same way. One cannot introduce a 
principle of moderation into the philosophy of war without 



40 The Menace of Prussianism 

committing an absurdity. It is a vain and erroneous tendency 
to wish to neglect the element of brutality in war merely 
because we dislike it.'' — (Von Clausewitz, Vom Kriege, 1, 4.) 
"It would be giving up ourselves to a chimera not to realize 
that war in the present will have to be conducted more reck- 
lessly, less scrupulously, more violently, more ruthlessly, than 
ever in the past. * * * Distress, the deep misery of war, must 
not be spared to the enemy State. The burden must be and 
must remain crushing. The necessity of imposing it follows 
from the very idea of national war. * * * That individuals 
may be severely affected when one makes an example of them 
intended to serve as a deterrent, is truly deplorable for them. 
But for the people as a whole this severity exercised against 
individuals is a salutary blessing. When national war has 
broken out, terrorism becomes a principle which is necessary 
from a military standpoint." — General J. Von Hartmann, cited 
in Lavisse and Andler, German Theory and Practice of War.) 
— National Security League's Handbook. 

Terrorism in Action 

(Literal translations of three typical German military proclamations.) 
Order to the People of Liege. 

The population of Andenne, after making a display of 
peaceful intentions towards our troops, attacked them in the 
most treacherous manner. With my authorization, the Gen- 
eral commanding these troops has reduced the town to ashes 
and has had no persons shot. 

I bring this fact to the knowledge of the people of Liege in 
order that they may know what fate to expect should they 
adopt a similar attitude. 

Liege, Aug. 22, 19 14. 
General Von Bulow. 

Proclamation 

In future the inhabitants of places situated near railways 
and telegraph lines which have been destroyed will be pun- 
ished without mercy (whether they are guilty of this destruc- 
tion or not). For this purpose, hostages have been taken in 
all places in the vicinity of railways in danger of similar 



The Menace of Prussianism 41 

attacks ; and at the first attempt to destroy any railway, tele- 
graph, or telephone line, they will be shot immediately. 

The Governor, 
Brussels, Oct. 5, 1914. Von Der Goltz. 

Deportation Notice at Lille. 

All the inhabitants of the house, with the exception of 
children under 14, and their mothers, and also of old people, 
must prepare themselves for transportation in an hour-and-a- 
half's time. 

An officer will definitely decide which persons will be taken 
to the concentration camps. For this purpose all the inhab- 
itants of the house must assemble in front of it. In case of bad 
weather, they may remain in the passage. The door of the 
house must remain open. All appeals will be useless. No 
inmate of the house, even those who will not be transported, 

may leave the house before 8 a. m. (German time). 

^ H= ^ ^ * ^ 

Lille, April, 1916. 
Etappen-Kommandantur (Depot Commandant.) 

The Prussian Preparation for World Conquest 

For the next forty years [from 1871] the great aim of Bis- 
marck and of Germany is to prepare for the time when Eng- 
land can be made to walk the gang-plank like Austria in 1866 
and France in 1870. For forty years German soldiers have 
been drinking to "Der Tag." Every force of the Empire has 
been directed toward this preparation. The school system has 
been used by the government for this purpose. The teacher 
who failed to teach in the spirit of the government found no 
promotion awaiting him. The minister when he accepted a 
pulpit was forbidden to criticise the policy of the government. 
The college professors became the agents for propagating the 
imperialistic ideas. Every social force of the state was har- 
nessed to the one great purpose of preparing Germany for her 
Armageddon. But there were, those who would not submit 
tamely. The socialist element was not content to see labor 
neglected. Bismarck's solution of this difficulty was to grant 



42 The Menace of Prussianism 

them what they wanted in local affairs on condition that he be 
given a free hand in his imperialistic foreign policy. Bismarck 
said, "Give the wage earner a permanent job, guarantee him 
against un-employment, supply him with a sickness and old age 
pension, and he will care nothing for his political freedom." 
With this opiate he lulled the labor forces into apathy. But 
back behind all these stood the army. The people of Germany 
have been taught that war, not peace, is the way to human 
development. Year by year the army has grown. When the 
present Kaiser came to the throne thirty years ago he spoke 
to the army and said, "You and I were made for each other. 
Whether God wills peace or war, you and I will stand together." 
The whole nation has become an armed military camp. It has 
been "soldiers, soldiers everywhere." While other peoples have 
talked of universal peace, Germany has prepared for war. In 
1907 England proposed to reduce her program to three new 
Dreadnaughts, but Germany increased hers. In 1908 England 
laid down two and Germany four; in 191 1, when President 
Taft delivered his great peace message which called for reduc- 
tion of armaments, Bethmann-Hollweg's answer was "the vital 
strength of a nation is the only measurement of that nation's 
armament" ; in 1913, when a "naval holiday" was proposed, 
Germany smiled, increased her munitions, her aircraft, and the 
army more than two hundred thousand. This has been the 
story to 1914. That year dawned. The English-speaking world 
was talking peace. The greatest orator of the day was pro- 
claiming peace and trying to form peace treaties. The German 
race was whetting its sword. The Kaiser gazed upon the army 
and said, "When that army moves I will show the world its 
first great army." His army lay like a glittering sword in his 
hand. Could he resist the temptation to use it? The world 
thought that he could. Had we not become convinced that 
war was too expensive? Had we not outgrown war and its 
barbarism? But there was the "head of the huge dragon, 
crested, fanged, clad in glittering scales, poised above the 
world and ready to strike." Quickly the adder uncoiled and 
struck, and the great day had come. There need be no rekind- 
ling of the flames of universal peace till the German "lust for 
blood and iron" has been destroyed. — Dr. E. W. Sikes. 



The Menace of Prussianism 43 

German Frightfulness 

One of the most astonishing and appalling facts relating to 
the war is the spirit of frightfulness with which the Germans 
have attempted to terrorize neutrals as well as enemies. When 
the reports of systematic cruelty and murder first came to 
America during the fall of 1914, we would not believe them. 
It was thought that they were grossly exaggerated. It was 
inconceivable that a civilized government would permit its 
soldiers to commit such barbarous acts of inhumanity. How- 
ever, the investigation made by Lord Bryce, the affidavits of 
hundres of eye witnesses, the reports of American war cor- 
respondents, and, indeed, the admissions, proclamations and 
acts of the German Government itself show that these un- 
speakable tales of horror are for the most part absolutely true. 
Suppose Germany had invaded South Carolina and had burned 
towns and cities, murdered old men, women and children, cut 
off the hands of boys and girls, raped young women, and sent 
them by the hundreds to Germany there to meet an unknown 
fate? What would you have thought of it? Would you be a 
peace-at-any-price person? Such was the treatment of Bel- 
gium. When the Prussian soldiers invaded Poland, the fate 
of the old men, women and children was none the less terrible. 
In Northern France it was the same. Wherever the Germans 
have appeared, barbarity has been the rule. The horror of it 
all is that these things have been sanctioned by the German 
officers and the German Government. — Hunter A. Gibhes. 

The German Way 

Germans torpedoed the merchant ship Belgium Prince 200 
miles from land, smashed the lifeboats, took the sailors' life- 
belts, stripped them of outer clothing, placed them on the deck 
of the submarine, then submerged. Thirty-eight men, non- 
combatants, were drowned like rats. 

Prussianism' s Perfect Work 

The Manchester Guardian calculates, on the best available 
information, that, to the first of last month, nine and three- 
quarter million men had been killed in the war ; twelve millions 
more had been permanently crippled ; four and a quarter mil- 



44 The Menace of Prussianism 

lions were held as prisoners ; one hundred and seven billion 
dollars had been spent by the warring governments ; and eight 
billion dollars' worth of property had been destroyed. 

For three weeks in July, 19 14, the Austrian Government 
considered what demands it should make on Serbia in view 
of the probability that the assassination of the Austrian Arch- 
duke Franz Ferdinand had been planned by Serbians. It was 
well known that Russia would defend Serbia's independence. 
After full deliberation Austria made demands that no state 
calling itself independent would have submitted to, except 
under compulsion ; and required absolute compliance within 
forty-eight hours. And in this course Germany acquiesced. 

Deliberately and after full consideration Germany and 
Austria took the chance of war in order to further a dynastic 
purpose of the Hapsburgs. That is the crime which nearly ten 
million dead men and twelve million cripples now prove against 
the Hohenzollern and Hapsburg dynasties. The criminals 
will go unpunished if those dynasties retain their power to 
upset the peace of the world at will. — Courtesy of Saturday 
Evening Post, Sept. 22, 1917. 

Germany's Wars Between 1871 and 1914 

German apologists are constantly telling us that from 1871 
to 1914 Germany was at peace, and was the one uniformly 
peaceable first-class Power. But it seems to Mr. Henry A. 
Forster that "German propagandists are as ignorant of the 
facts of modern history as modern German statesmen are 
indifferent to the validity of treaties, which they describe as 
only scraps of paper !" So this New York lawyer writes to 
the editors of New York and Boston papers to call attention 
to Germany's warlike record during those years when her pro- 
found peacefulness was supposed to present such a delightful 
contrast to the military activities of her neighbors. To quote 
from the letter to the Boston Transcript: 

"From 1903 to 1907 the Herrero War in German Southwest 
Africa was the most bitterly contested war between whites and 
blacks known to the twentieth century. Five thousand Ger- 
man soldiers and settlers and 20,000 to 30,000 natives perished. 

"In 1897 Germany seized Kiaochow because of the murder 



The Task of America 45 

of two Catholic missionaries, and rattled the saber to such an 
extent that when in 1900 the Chinese Boxers began a war with- 
the world it wa§ primarily because of Germany's acts. The 
German minister to China was the foreign official against 
whom the Boxers struck their first blows. In the Boxer War 
of 1900 that followed, Germany, as the leader of Continental 
Europe, sent Field-Marshal von Waldersee as the international 
commander-in-chief, and waged a Hun-like war without 
quarter. 

'Tn 1888-1889, 1891-1892, and 1905 and 1906 Germany was 
three times at war with and finally conquered the Arabs and 
blacks in East Africa. Von Wissman, Karl Peters, and other 
German commanders waged aggressive wars of conquest with 
the utmost ferocity. One hundred and twenty thousand natives 
are estimated to have fallen in the last of the three East- 
African wars alone." — Literary Digest, Aug. 18, 1917. 

THE TASK OF AMERICA 

A great American army in Europe now is the best possible insurance 
against a great European or Asiatic army in our own country a couple 
of years or a couple of decades hence. — Theodore Roosevelt. 

Wake Up, America! 

The main facts which the people of the whole United States 
must be made to realize and understand at once are : 

First. That the war is nowhere near an end. 

Second. That its most serious phases are yet to come. 

Third. That it is and has been as much America's war as 
it is and has been France's and England's war, ever since the 
first shot was fired. 

Fourth. That notwithstanding the warnings of the past 
three years, this country finds itself entering upon war against 
Germany amazingly unprepared. 

Fifth. That if a long war is to be averted, with its attendant 
world-wide suffering and a continuance of the ghastly fighting 
that is now in progress, America must quickly throw its full 
strength and resources into the struggle. 

Sixth. That the pressing and immediate reason for arousing 
this country to action on the greatest possible scale is that, if 
anything were to go seriously wrong with the Allied war pro- 



46 The Task of America 

gramme so as to affect sea-control, Germany would at once 
descend upon this country and exact a stupendous war indem- 
.nity, wreaking vengeance in true Prussian military fashion 
upon our defenceless women and children, and establishing a 
permanent foothold on this continent. 

Seventh. That the vital Allied war needs of the moment 
are ships, food, and aeroplanes in vast numbers ; hence the 
urgency of getting the whole war programme moving without 
a single hour's unnecessary delay. 

Eighth. That much valuable time has been lost and still 
more time is now being wasted in dangerous controversy, while 
the war goes swiftly on. 

Ninth. That the only safe basis of procedure, in view of all 
the circumstances, is to assume that this country alone is 
fighting Germany ; that there is no British fleet to shield it and 
no other Allied armies to pound the German forces back 
while the United States is making ready for war, but that 
invasion is imminent, and that back of the Government's war 
programme must be the people's whole strength and fully 
aroused spirit in order to avert national disaster ; and 

Tenth. That on America's promptness of action may depend 
the length, and possibly the actual outcome, of the war. — Mr. 
Pomeroy Burton, Speech at Chautauqua, N. F., July 2, 191 7. 

America Saved by the Allies 

For nearly three years we literally hid behind the fleets of 
Great Britain and France. 

Every soldier of the Allies who in this struggle died on the 
battlefields of Europe died for us as well as for his own 
country. 

Had there been no great English fleet to hold the German 
fleet in its harbor of refuge, our coasts would have been 
ravished, our cities destroyed, and the scenes enacted in Bel- 
gium would have been repeated, magnified many fold in this 
country. 

Had the Allies failed to stem the onrush of the hordes of 
barbarism who have stained the record of mankind as never 
before in history, certainly since the days of Attila, Germany 
would have sought to wreak its vengeance on this country, 
and it would have been abundantly able to do so. 



Concerning Loyalty 47 

Germany's plans involved a war with the United States, 
where it had everything to win and nothing to lose ; for it 
would not have been possible for us in ten years to get ready 
to meet Germany if Germany had already conquered Europe. 
— Courtesy of Richard H. Edmonds, Editor of Manufacturers' 
Record. 

The Crisis 

Russia wavering ; Italy in dire need ; France driven well 
nigh to the limit of her super-human endurance ; England 
crippled by the submarine ; Germany no nearer exhaustion and 
starvation than her enemies and fighting on the inside of the 
circle; if that situation does not find its only hopeful answer 
in a united embattled America, it finds it nowhere under God's 
heaven. — Wm. Mather Lewis. 

What Would Happen? 

If Russia should collapse? 

If the British fleet should be overcome? 

If the food situation should yet bring the Allies to their 
knees ? 

If great reversals should be met on the western front? 

If the submarine menace be not checked? 

Other things less unexpected have already happened many 
times in this war. America will be in danger of invasion by 
Prussia until the Prussian military power is broken. — Okla- 
homa State Council of Defense. 

CONCERNING LOYALTY 

No American is against this war. If anybody opposes it that opposi- 
tion is sufficient proof of that person's un-Americanism. — Chicago Daily 

News. 

No Room for Treachery 

All that this nation holds dear in life, in womanhood, in 
liberty, in the sacredness of homes, in religion, in business, in 
government, is at stake, and the danger is terribly great. 

Every potentiality of the nation will be needed to save our- 
selves from complete destruction, and destruction as ruthless, 
as frightful as that of Belgium. Indeed, the bitterness of 



48 Concerning Loyalty 

Germany against us would result in even more fearful con- 
ditions here than existed in Belgium if Germany, through the 
destruction of France and England, were able to land on our 
shores through Canada and turn this land into a condition 
which would make General Sherman, if he were alive, apol- 
ogize to Hell for speaking of war as hell. 

These are not overdrawn statements. They are not fig- 
ments of an overheated brain. They merely express in sober 
language what every man in this country who has had the 
opportunity to look on the inside of things during the last 
two years knows to be the case. Facing this situation with 
a determination to win, regardless of the cost — and win we 
shall — we are permitting ourselves to be handicapped, indeed, 
our country to be betrayed, by the traitors, open and secret, 
who in every possible way are trying to foment trouble in our 
own land. Some German-American papers are openly and 
aggressively fighting the United States and encouraging pro- 
Germans of this country. Even in Congress there are men 
who are still so pro-German in sentiment that they would 
apparently be willing to sell their nation rather than see Ger- 
many defeated. 

There are some millions of pro-Germans in this country. 
Fortunately, many other Germans and those of German 
descent are honest, true-hearted men and women and are ready 
to stand by this, their own land, as against Germany. To 
them all honor. But there are some millions of Germans who 
are not citizens, and of citizens who are of German descent, 
but who would stab the country in the back, would welcome 
to our shores the invading hosts of Germany's army of beasts 
and brutes and rejoice in the privilege of heralding themselves 
to this incoming army as friends of Germany. These men and 
women who uphold Germany's murderous campaign are them- 
selves copartners in the vilest work that has ever been done 
on earth. — Courtesy of Richard H. Edmonds, Editor Manu- 
facturers' Record. 

The Soldiers' Question 

Some thousands of American soldiers have already landed 
in France, and other thousands, and hundreds of thousands 
and millions will have to follow. These men are not at all 



Concerning Loyalty 49 

unmindful of the reality of the struggle upon which they are 
entering. Each one knows full well that he is ofifering his 
life ; and if perchance he be saved to return to his loved ones, 
comrades all around him and by his side he knows will die. 
Each man realizes fully that he is going into a war for service. 
These men are not going from any thoughtless desire for 
adventure; they are not going without a full understanding 
of what is meant to lie in the trenches day after day and night 
after night, and crawl out over the trenches to and through 
the barbed wires and struggle in a great death grapple. These 
things are before them, and yet they go forward with a cour- 
age which should stir every latent quality of good in every 
human heart. Before such men those who cannot go should 
stand with uncovered heads and bemoan the fate that makes 
it necessary for them to be saved by the sacrifice of the lives 
of others. 

These are the living realities, the verities, of this hour. They 
call in thunder tones to the nation. They call to every human 
heart to honor the soldiers and the sailors ; to throw around 
them every possible safeguard to protect them from every 
temptation ; to make their task as light as possible ; to furnish 
every comfort and convenience ; to lighten their work and 
lessen their sorrows ; to provide the means for their healthful 
enjoyment around every camp, and to banish from every camp 
the accursed liquor traffic and all the evils which follow ; to 
provide the nurses and the stretcher-bearers, and the physi- 
cians, and the hospitals which may minister unto them in 
hours of agony ; to provide the facilities for the training of 
the body and mind afforded by the Young Men's Christian 
Association in every camp. 

For these things the American people must work whole- 
heartedly, with an enthusiasm which matches that of the men 
in the battle line. 

Out of the nation's work and the wealth that may be accum- 
ulated therefrom must be poured to the fullest limit the money 
needed for these things. 

A few weeks ago Maryland troops on a parade in the 
interest of the Liberty Loan carried a banner on which was 
inscribed : 



50 Concerning Loyalty 

"We have given ourselves. 
What will you give?" 

That is the question which the life of every soldier puts 
before every man and woman in this country. 

What will you give to the men who are giving their lives? 
What service will you render to them to lessen their burdens, 
to lighten their homesickness, to- soften their agony on the 
battlefields, to save their bodies and to save their souls ? What 
answer will the American people give to the question, "We 
have given ourselves ; what will you give ?" — Courtesy of 
Richard H. Edmonds, Editor of the Manufacturers' Record. 

Rules for Disloyalists 

1. When driven to make an unequivocal statement protest 
your loyalty and then change the subject. 

2. Assert on every occasion that "Wall Street" made the 
war. Never mind explaining when, how, or why. 

3. Get in all the sneers you can at any professions of ideal 
motives. If you can find any flaw in our democracy say that 
"we are just as bad an autocracy as Germany." Use the word 
"hypocrisy" at every opportunity. Place the war in as sordid 
a light as possible. 

4. It is dangerous to denounce the United States directly. 
But rake history from end to end for mud to throw at the 
Allies. Especially, twist the lion's tail. 

5. Profess great concern lest sending food to Europe will 
starve America. Support every embargo movement that ap- 
plies to the Allied nations and none that does not. 

6. If the President asks for any extension of powers rave 
about "dictatorship" and the "overthrow of the liberties for 
which our fathers, etc." 

7. Spread rumors that the Allies are going to betray us or 
take advantage of us as soon as we are deeply enough involved 
in the war. 

8. Accept conscription in principle but hamper its working 
in every possible way. One good way is to start scares about 
revolution and internal disorder as a pretext for keeping a 
large part of our army at home. 



Concerning Loyalty 51 

9. Demonstrate that the enemy is unconquerable and victory 
hopeless. Play the "candid friend" and act as a depressant. 

10. Be very jealous to prevent "entangling alliances" and 
be much concerned about the Monroe Doctrine if we "mix 
ourselves in European quarrels." A permanent league of 
nations would embarrass your Junker friends if they remain 
in power after the war. Germany can only hope to conquer 
other nations of they act selfishly and in isolation. 

To these the Chicago Herald would add : "Oppose sending 
our boys to France to save the country and insist on the war 
being fought on our own soil," and "when caught in the ham- 
stringing act mention the names of Washington and Lincoln." 
— The Independent {in Literary Digest). 



It does not take a prophet to see that those who are attack- 
ing our Government and those of our Allies, by unfriendly 
speeches and writing, while we are in this great death struggle 
for liberty and justice, are preparing for themselves and their 
posterity a far more bitter animosity of their neighbors than 
the Tories and their descendants have suffered from 1776 to 
this day. — Joseph Norwood. 



Here in America and there in Russia German propaganda is 
seeking to sap the strength of a free democracy. 

German money is buying men and inspiring the press here 
and there to build up a great concealed structure of treason. 

Here and there are sentimentalists who, while speaking for 
peace and justice, are lending themselves to the greatest enemy 
of peace and justice. 

Here and there are men who proclaim their conscience and 
sell their country. 

When American democracy exerts itself against the enemy 
within let these men beware. — Elihu Root. 

What "American" Means 

Did you ever realize what it means to be an American 
citizen? A Frenchman may reside for years in England, or 
Germany, or Russia, but he will always remain a foreigner, 



52 Concerning Loyalty 

no matter how many papers of citizenship he may secure. An 
Englishman may spend a Hfetime in Italy, and catch, as 
Browning caught, the poetry of her soul ; but he will die an 
alien. A Russian may rear his family in Holland, but they 
will never become Dutch. But let this same Frenchman or 
Englishman or Russian come and dwell on our shores, and 
the great moving force of Americanism transforms him into 
a true American. A nation so composed cannot stand upon 
the narrow platform of a provincial patriotism. Its funda- 
mentals of citizenship must transcend race, and its ideals 
must be so high that ancient animosities and hereditary loyal- 
ties cannot compete with them, or divide the allegiance which 
they demand. — Robert McNutt McElroy of Princeton Uni- 
versity. 

United America 
So, today, our nation is one. If there is a discordant voice 
in this nation today it must come from one who either does not 
understand the genius of our institutions or whose heart is not 
with his country. I think I know the American people ; I 
believe I am as well acquainted with them as any other citizen. 
I have been among them now for a generation and I know that 
the American people will stand back of the President and Con- 
gress and furnish the government whatever it needs, in men 
and money, to win this war. — William Jennings Bryan. 



THE PEACE TERMS 







Murphy, in Neiv York American 

Copyrighted by International News Sert'ice — Courtesy of The Literary 

Digest 



54 The Road to Peace 

THE ROAD TO PEACE 

"I am for peace at any price, and today the price of peace is war." — 
President Hibben of Princeton University. 

No Peace in Sight 

"It is idle to talk peace, to argue about provinces, frontiers, 
colonies, while the German maintains his right to seize what 
he desires, to kill when and whom he pleases, and to abrogate 
every law, human or divine, which interferes with his appetite 
or his lust." ' 

Peace now would be nothing more nor less than a German 
victory. Germany has accomplished her dream of the Middle 
Europe, the empire from Berlin to Bagdad. The lands of her 
allies are hers. German farm lands are still fertile. German 
homes have not known the ravage of an invading army of 
barbarians. Peace would mean but the beginning of prepara- 
tions for another great war, in which the forces of autocracy 
and democracy would clash in another death struggle. And a 
part of that second death struggle would have to be fought 
out on American soil, the granary of the world. — Oklahoma 
State Council of Defense. 

The German Intrigue for Peace 

Is it not easy to understand the eagerness for peace that has 
been manifested from Berlin ever since the snare was set and 
sprung? Peace, peace, peace has been the talk of her Foreign 
Office for now a year and more ; not peace upon her own initia- 
tive, but upon the initiative of the nations over which she now 
deems herself to hold the advantage. A little of the talk has 
been public, but most of it has been private. Through all sorts 
of channels it has come to me, and in all sorts of guises, but 
never with the terms disclosed which the German Government 
would be willing to accept. That government has other valu- 
able pawns in its hands besides those I have mentioned. It 
still holds a valuable part of France, though with slowly 
relaxing grasp, and practically the whole of Belgium. Its 
armies press close upon Russia and overrun Poland at their 
will. It cannot go further ; it dare not go back. It wishes to 
close its bargain before it is too late and it has little left to 
offer for the pound of flesh it will demand. 



The Road to Peace 55 

The military masters under whom Germany is bleeding see 
very clearly to what point Fate has brought them. If they 
fall back or are forced back an inch, their power both abroad 
and at home will fall to pieces like a house of cards. It is their 
power at home they are thinking about now more than their 
power abroad. It is that power which is trembling under their 
very feet; and deep fear has entered their hearts. They have 
but one chance to perpetuate their military power or even their 
controlling political influence. If they can secure peace now 
with the immense advantages still in their hands which they 
have up to this point apparently gained, they will have justified 
themselves before the German people : they will have gained by 
force what they promised to gain by it : an immense expansion 
of German power, an immense enlargement of German indus- 
trial and commercial opportunities. Their prestige will be 
secure, and with their prestige their political power. If they 
fail, their people will thrust them aside ; a government account- 
able to the people themselves will be set up in Germany as it 
has been in England, in the United States, in France, and in all 
the great countries of the modern time except Germany. If 
they succeed they are safe and Germany and the world are 
undone ; if they fail Germany is saved and the world will be at 
peace. If they succeed, America will fall within the menace. 
We and all the rest of the world must remain armed, as they 
will remain, and must make ready for the next step in their 
aggression ; if they fail, the world may unite for peace and 
Germany may be of the union. 

The facts are patent to all the world, and nowhere are they 
more plainly seen than in the United States, where we are 
accustomed to deal with facts and not with sophistries ; and 
the great fact that stands out above all the rest is that this is 
a People's War, a war for freedom and justice and self-govern- 
ment amongst all the nations of the world, a war to make the 
world safe for the peoples who live upon it and have made 
it their own, the German people themselves included ; and that 
with us rests the choice to break through all these hypocrisies 
and patent cheats and masks of brute force and help set the 
world free, or else stand aside and let it be dominated a long 
age through by sheer weight of arms and the arbitrary choices 



56 The Road to Peace 

of self-constituted masters, by the nation which can maintain 
the biggest armies and the most irresitible armaments, — a 
power to which the world has afforded no parallel and in the 
face of which political freedom must wither and perish. 

For us there is but one choice. We have made it. Woe be 
to the man or group of men that seeks to stand in our way in 
this day of high resolution when every principle we hold 
dearest is to be vindicated and made secure for the salvation 
of the nations. We are ready to plead at the bar of history, 
and our flag shall wear a new lustre. Once more we shall 
make good with our lives and fortunes the great faith to which 
we were born, and a new glory shall shine in the face of our 
people. — From President Wilson's Flag Day Address, June 
14, 1917. 

The Test of the Peace to Come 

The test, therefore, of every plan of peace is this : Is it based 
upon the faith of all the peoples involved, or merely upon the 
word of an ambitious and intriguing Government, on the one 
hand, and a group of free peoples, on the other? This is a 
test which goes to the root of the matter; and it is the test 
which must be applied. 

The purposes of the United States in this war are known to 
the whole world — to every people to whom the truth has been 
permitted to come. They do not need to be stated again. We 
seek no material advantage of any kind. We believe that the 
intolerable wrongs done in this war by the furious and brutal 
power of the Imperial German Government ought to be 
repaired, but not at the expense of the sovereignty of any peo- 
ple — rather a vindication of the sovereignty both of those that 
are weak and of those that are strong. Punitive damages, 
the dismemberment of empires, the establishment of selfish 
and exclusive economic leagues, we deem inexpedient, and in 
the end worse than futile, no proper basis for a peace of any 
kind, least of all for an enduring peace. That must be based 
upon justice and fairness and the common rights of mankind. 

We cannot take the word of the present rulers of Germany 
as a guarantee of anything that is to endure unless explicitly 
supported by such conclusive evidence of the will and purpose 
of the German people themselves as the other peoples of the 



The Road to Peace 57 

world would be justified in accepting. Without such guaran- 
tees treaties of settlement, agreements for disarmament, 
covenants to set up arbitration in the place of force, territorial 
adjustments, reconstitutions of small nations, if made with 
the German Government, no man, no nation, could now 
depend on. 

We must await some new evidence of the purposes of the 
great peoples of the Central Powers. God grant it may be 
given soon in a way to restore the confidence of all peoples 
everywhere in the faith of nations and the possibility of a cov- 
enanted peace. — From President Wilson's Reply to the Pope's 
Peace Proposal. 

United in War for the Sake of Peace 

People ask me every day how long this war will last. My 
answer is that I do not know ; and I do not know anybody 
who does know. When anybody tells me he thinks he knows, 
1 lose confidence in his judgment. I know of nothing upon 
which any human being is able to predicate a guess that is of 
any value as to the length of this war. But I can state a fact 
that is worth more than any guess, prediction or prophecy, 
and that is that no matter whether the war be long or short, 
the shortest road to peace is the road straight ahead, with no 
division among our people. We can not afford to allow any- 
body in this world to think for one minute that there is any 
division among the American people when once our nation has 
decided to enter a war. The more earnestly one desires peace, 
the more loyally he should support the government as the only 
way to hasten peace. — William Jennings Bryan. 

Two World Peace Programs 

The World's Court League The League to Enforce Peace 

Favors a League among na- Favors a League of nations 

tions to secure : to secure : 

1. An International Court i. A Judicial Tribunal for 
of Justice for all justiciable all justiciable questions not 
questions not settled by nego- settled by negotiation, 
tiation. 2. An International Council 

2. An International Coun- of Conciliation. 



58 



The Road to Peace 



cil of Conciliation, in addition 
to the Permanent Court of 
Arbitration at The Hague, 

3. World Conferences meet- 
ing regularly at shorter inter- 
vals than heretofore : To es- 
tablish the Court and Council ; 
to formulate and codify rules 
of international law valid for 
all nations which approve 
them. 

4. A Permanent Continua- 
tion Committee of the World 
Conferences with such powers 
as the Conferences may grant. 
—National Security League's 



3. Conferences of signatory 
powers from time to time : To 
formulate and codify rules of 
international law valid unless 
vetoed by some signatory 
power within a stated period. 

4. Joint use of economic 
forces against a signatory 
power which refuses to sub- 
mit any question to court or 
council before committing 
hostilities ; joint use of mili- 
tary forces against a signatory 
which actually begins war be- 
fore such submission. 

Handbook. 



With Our Faces Toward the Light 

This America that we thought was full of a multitude of 
contrary counsels now speaks with the great volume of the 
heart's accord, and that great heart of America has behind it 
the supreme moral force of righteousness and hope and the 
liberty of mankind. — Woodrow Wilson. 



PART II 
THE VOICE OF SOUTH CAROLINA 



GOVERNOR RICHARD I. MANNING 

"South Carolinians have too splendid a history behind them 
in times of war not to do and give their utmost at this time, 
when the United States has arrayed itself against the most 
formidable military machine the world has ever known. Our 
people will do their duty courageously and with a spirit that 
will not admit defeat. 

"But this war, thrust upon us by the unscrupulous designs of 
an autocratic power, calls upon us to make every sacrifice. 
The world-wide German intrigue, revealed by recent dis- 
closures, proves beyond question the justice and necessity for 
this war. It shows Germany's purpose to subjugate the coun- 
tries of Europe by the basest means known to man, by dis- 
gracing the women, and then to pursue these methods on us. 
Red-blooded, brave men could not fail to act decisively to pre- 
vent such action and to defeat such purposes. The war was a 
necessity if the world is to be a safe place for men and women, 
and it must therefore be won at any cost and sacrifice. 

"We will be called upon to give our time and money, to give 
ourselves and our loved ones, in the cause of democracy. Let 
us do it with the knowledge that we are fighting for our own 
safety, for the honor of our women and our country, for 
civilization and humanity, and for the security of liberty in 
the ages to come. Let us not measure our patriotism by what 
we deny ourselves, but also by the service we are rendering our 
State and our country in this crisis. 

"I urge you, therefore, to join in with all accredited agencies 
of the Government in their earnest efforts to put this country, 
and our State especially, upon a war footing." — Richard I. 
Manning. 

SENATOR B. R. TILLMAN 

"I am, heart and soul, in favor of the vigorous prosecution 
of this war until the Hohenzollerns are brought to their senses. 
The policy outlined by the President in his reply to the Pope 
has been made a fact of history. If we do not fight Germany 
in Europe, and see that her scheme for universal domination 



62 The Voice of South Carolina 

of the world comes to naught, we will certainly have to figfht 
her here later. Therefore, in every way possible, I am encour- 
aging the most vigorous prosecution of the war. We cannot 
afford to lie supinely on our backs and not fight for all we are 
worth. The sooner the people understand the situation and 
pursue this policy the better off we will be." — B. R. Tillman. 

SENATOR E. D. SMITH 

"This war was not of our seeking; our rights as Americans 
were ruthlessly disregarded and international law of long 
standing was violated by the German Government. It might 
have been a question whether we should have gone to war if 
only American property had been destroyed, but when Amer- 
ican lives, the lives of women and little children, were heart- 
lessly taken, then there was nothing left but for us by a declar- 
ation of war and its relentless prosecution to serve notice not 
alone upon the German Government but upon the world at 
large that free, democratic America would not allow the rights 
of her citizens and of the government to be violated with 
impunity, more especially when this violation took the form of 
cold-blooded murder of her citizens upon the high seas. 

"We have sent our soldiers and seamen to vindicate these 
rights and to uphold the honor and dignity of our flag. Those 
citizens who are to be at home should find it a glorious priv- 
ilege to rally in every way possible to the support and sus- 
tenance of our army and navy and to lend what aid we can to 
our Allies. 

"In this mighty struggle the National and Local Councils of 
Defense are the organized bodies charged with the duty of 
indicating the lines along which the best service can be ren- 
dered. Hearty co-operation with them will be the most efficient 
means of rendering the best service." — E. D. Smith. 

ATTORNEY GENERAL THOS. H. PEEPLES 

"It is absolutely essential to the preservation of our govern- 
ment, and to democracy, that each of the sovereign States 
co-operate with the Government in its every effort to achieve 
a speedy victory in the great conflict that is overshadowing 
the world, to the end that peace may again reign supreme. The 



The Voice of South Carolina 63 

response of South Carolina and her citizens will be what it 
has always been in every emergency which has confronted the 
nation — the performance of their whole duty with a devoted 
and sacrificial loyalty and patriotism." — Thos. H. Peeples. 

ASSISTANT ATTORNEY GENERAL CLAUD N. SAPP 

"The American Union is at this time in a death grapple with 
the Imperial German Government, the strongest nation in arms 
the world has ever known. Upon the result of this struggle 
the existence of democracies in the future depends. The 
strength of the nation is no greater than the average of her 
citizenship. It is, therefore, the duty of all loyal Americans to 
rally to the support of the President and the flag, as failure so 
to do will give aid and comfort to the common enemy." — Clcmd 
N. Sapp. 

CHRISTIE BENET 

"If your life has been a good one, bounded only by your am- 
bition and your ability ; if you think that the oceans are the 
highways of the world to be used by all the nations ; if you 
have lived under a flag that means freedom to you and to all ; 
if you feel that women and children are to be protected and 
guarded at any cost ; if you believe in truth and honor, and 
that right is greater than might ; — then you believe in the cause 
of the Allies, now the cause of the United States. 

"Germany believes in the divine right of Kings, and that 
the Hohenzollerns are to be kept on their throne, although 
men and women by the million must die to bring that about. 
She caused the wanton and studied destruction of Belgium and 
has justified the rape of the women of Belgium, France and 
Armenia. She has ordered her officers to sink at sea and at 
night unarmed passenger ships so that 'no trace will be left.' 
She has caused the sinking of hospital ships and the bombing 
at night of hospitals, both filled with wounded men. She 
believes that war justifies killing unarmed nurses who were 
trying to save wounded men from the buildings set on fire by 
German aviators ; shooting Edith Cavell, the English nurse, 
in the dead of night, and lying about her farcical trial to the 
Minister of the United States who tried to save her. She has 
plunged the world in blood to get her 'place in the sun,' which 



64 



The Voice of South Carolina 



means every place under the sun. She believes that her ambas- 
sadors and chancellors are justified in using trickery and 
deceit, bribery and murder, to bring about her ends, and that 
Peace is contemptible and War glorious ! 



"The Allies of the United 

States are : 

England, — the home of free 
men and of free speech ; 

France, — the sister Republic 
that aided us in our hour of 
peril and need, now 'bled 
v^hite' by three years of 
war; 

Russia, — betrayed by her own 
sons bought by German 
gold, but with all the long- 
ing for democracy taught 
by France and the United 
States ; 

Italy, — the land of Garibaldi 
and Cavore, with her 'pas- 
sion for liberty' ; 

Canada, — Australia, — New 
Zealand, — India, — the chil- 
dren of Great Britain rally- 
ing from the ends of the 
earth to her support ; 

Cuba, — our own baby ; 

Belgium, — who lost her lands 
but saved her soul when she 
could have bargained and 
grown rich ; 

Servia, — crushed by the power 
of the Teutons but reso- 
lutely fighting on ; 

Roumania, — knowing the path 
was bloody, but choosing it 
in preference to the rule of 
the Kaiser and the Turk ; 



"On the other side stand : 

Germany, — the home of Kul- 
tur, the advocate of Might, 
the country of the subma- 
rine and the bomb at night ; 

Austria, — the backward-look- 
ing, controlled by the Kaiser 
and the Pro-German party ; 

Bulgaria, — who traded with 
the side her crafty King, 
Ferdinand, thought the 
stronger ; 

Turkey, — the unspeakable, 
the home of the harem, the 
assassin of Christian Arme- 
nia. 



The Voice of South Carolina 65 

Greece, — long betrayed but 

now free to fight for her 

future and the future of 
the world, 

"The Hour has come! Stand up and choose your side!" — 
Christie Benet, Columbia. 

H. H. BLEASE 

"It is immaterial whether we approve of the war, or whether 
we approve of the wisdom of the Government in selecting our 
soldiers by draft. The fact is, that we are at war, and that 
our young men have been drawn, and American citizens have 
been killed. It is the duty of every citizen to do everything 
possible to conserve our men morally and physically, and to 
exert all of our energy to cause our armies to be successful. 
This is no time for halting or quibbling. It is no time for 
asking and answering questions. It is our duty to act, act 
promptly, act positively, act intelligently, in obedience to the 
voice of our Government, which has spoken through the 
National Congress and the great Chief Executive of this 
Nation. 

"On one occasion, the Great Teacher, the Savior of men, 
was asked a question. Before answering the question, He 
called for a penny. After examining this penny. He said, 
'Render unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's.' I under- 
stand this to teach in this day, which day is yours and mine, 
that it is the duty of every person to render obedience unto the 
laws of his State and Nation. It is, therefore, the time when 
we should forget selfishness ; it is the time when we should not 
think of partisanship ; it is the time when we should not think 
of political preferment; it is the time when South Carolinians 
should stand shoulder to shoulder, as one man; it is the time 
when every citizen should be invited to do publicly and pri- 
vately that which he can to advance the great work in which 
we are engaged, and every one should do everything possible 
to advance our common interests and preserve our integrity 
as a State and Nation ; it is the time when we should all strive 
to do the obscure things, if we are the best fitted to do such 



66 The Voice of South Carolina 

things, and whether we are best fitted or not, if we cannot do 
the prominent thing, we should do the obscure thing. 

"We have nothing to do with the cause of the war. What- 
ever that cause may have been, it is now necessary for us not 
only to fight for world-wide democracy, for national democ- 
racy, for state democracy, but it is necessary that we should 
fight for liberty, our liberty, the liberty of our wives, the lib- 
erty of our children, the liberty of our posterity, the liberty for 
which our forefathers fought. If the Germans are victorious, 
and if they are guilty of one-tenth of the atrocious, heinous 
and unspeakable crimes which are charged against them, God 
have mercy upon our girls and women, by taking them imme- 
diately to heaven, for if they are forced to undergo that which 
it is said the women of the sections of the countries that have 
been overcome by the Germans have had to undergo, death will 
be preferable. It is the duty of every man and woman to be up 
and doing, doing actively, doing earnestly, everything that it is 
possible for them to do in order to bring victory to our mil- 
itary forces, in order to bring peace to our country, in order to 
bring permanent peace to all men. Therefore, let us dare to 
be true, true to ourselves, true to our countrymen, and true to 
God." — H. H. Blease, Newberry. 

LOWNDES BROWNING 

"Our country is at war, and it is the duty of every citizen to 
aid to the utmost in bringing it to a successful issue. Whether 
we were justified in entering this war will be a fit subject for 
discussion after peace is concluded. My whole being tells me 
that no nation ever entered upon a more justifiable, a more 
righteous war. But did I believe my country was unjustified 
in entering upon this conflict, I would be a traitor did I give 
public utterance to such belief, because I would be giving aid 
and encouragement to the enemies of my country and stimu- 
lating them to greater resistance, my utterances showing that 
there was a division of sentiment on this question. I would 
be a murderer of my fellow citizens, because in encouraging 
the enemy to greater exertion, I necessarily cause more of my 
countrymen to die upon the field of battle, before they bring 
the war to a successful issue. 



The Voice of South Carolina 67 

''The man who says the United States was not justified in 
entering this war, is one who, when travehng upon a pubHc 
highway with his wife and children, is attacked by a ruffian, 
runs away, leaving those dependent upon him for protection, 
to be robbed or murdered at the pleasure of the outlaw, and 
who afterwards justifies his cowardly action and also excuses 
the ruffian for his brutal murders." — Loivndes Brozvning, 
Union. 

R. A. COOPER 

"It is practically impossible to add anything to what has 
been stated many times on this subject. Every patriotic citi- 
zen can assume but one attitude, and that is a determination 
to serve his country in every way possible to bring this war 
to a successful and speedy conclusion, and reduce the sufifer- 
ing and sacrifice to a minimum. We must be ready and will- 
ing to make any material sacrifice necessary for the efficient 
work of our armies and navies. Let us cease discussing the 
merits of the controversy. The question of our duty has been 
determined by the court of last resort. Our cause is just; 
the victory must be won. Our soldiers will soon be on the 
firing line and they are entitled to the active, sympathetic sup- 
port of those who can not go to the front and share with 
them the hardships of battle. We must maintain that attitude 
so well expressed by Mr. Wilson in his address before Con- 
gress on April 2nd, when he said : 

" 'We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no con- 
quest, no dominion. We seek no indemnity for ourselves, 
no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely 
make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of 
mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been 
made as secure as the faith and freedom of nations can make 
them.' 

"If we live up to this high standard and carry this war to a 
successful conclusion — as we must and will do — America will 
become the guiding star and the 'bow of promise' of all the 
nations seeking the glorious light of liberty and our compen- 
sation will be the consciousness of having rendered a real 
service to the cause of humanity and democracy." — R. A. 
Cooper, Laurens. 



68 The Voice of South Carolina 

WILLIAM SPENCER CURRELL 

"Three chief motives, gratitude, self-protection and the 
desire for the ultimate triumph of right, should impel our 
Government to prosecute with vigor and persistence the great 
struggle against the Central Powers dominated by Prussian 
Germany. For three years our four great allies, Italy, Russia, 
England and France have been fighting our battles at 
tremendous cost to themselves in men and money. Defeat for 
them would leave Europe at the mercy of a foe, striving for 
world-wide supremacy with 'the treachery of a spy and the 
ruthlessness of an assassin.' Against these aims and methods 
the forces of three-fourths of the world are arrayed in behalf 
of the cause of freedom, humanity, civilization and for the 
establishment on a firm and lasting basis of a safe and sane 
democracy in opposition to an aggressive autocracy. In this 
conflict an overwhelming majority of patriotic South Caro- 
linians are on the side of right and justice, and our citizens 
without distinction of race, color or sex will support the 
National Government with unflinching zeal and devotion. 
Animis opibusque parati, ready with our souls and resources, 
the motto of our State, is engraved indelibly on the hearts of 
our people." — W. S. Currell, University of South Carolina. 

DR. GEO. B. CROMER 

"We might have kept out of the war : 

"By admitting that Germany has the right selfishly to treat 
her solemn contracts with other nations as 'scraps of paper.' 

"By admitting that Germany had the right, with mailed fist 
and iron heel, ruthlessly to crush and destroy Belgium, a weak 
nation whose neutrality she was under sacred obligation to 
protect. 

"By admitting that Germany has the right to fence in the 
high seas, the great highway of nations, and to destroy the 
peaceful commerce of neutral countries, while professing to 
be their friend. 

"By admitting that Germany, while enjoying our hospitality 
and professing to be our friend, had the right to maintain an 
army of spies and carry on a campaign of lawlessness in our 
own country. 



The Voice of South Carolina 69 

"By admitting that Germany, while professing to be our 
friend, had the right to embroil us with Mexico and Japan in 
an effort to destroy the integrity of our country. 

"By admitting that Germany, while professing to be our 
friend, had the right, with ruthless and devilish disregard of 
law and humanity, to destroy our ships and murder our citi- 
zens, men, women and children, traveling on peaceful missions 
and within their perfect legal rights. 

"By admitting that might is right ; that there is no law of 
nations above the will and power of the Imperial German Gov- 
ernment ; that our flag is no longer an emblem of sovereignty 
and national honor; that we have a spineless and nerveless 
Government or a nation of slackers and cowards ; and that our 
Constitution and the Declaration of Independence are 'scraps 
of paper.' 

"Being unwilling to admit these things, we are in the war. 
We will come out of the war by the gate of Victory — victory 
that will vindicate the rights and freedom of our own people, 
and victory for justice, liberty, and humanity. But we must 
overcome an army at home as well as vast armies in Europe. 
In our own country are spies, so-called pacifists, traitors and 
demagogues, who are diligently sowing the seeds of sedition 
and treason by criticising the methods and policies of our Gov- 
ernment and by creating division and dissatisfaction among 
our own people. They are trying to shackle the Government, 
and, in effect, they are attacking our army in flank and rear. 
Our army is entitled to the undivided support of a united coun- 
try. To this end and to the utmost limit of its Constitutional 
authority, the Government should put down the sinister Pro- 
German influences that are at work in our own country. There 
is no middle ground. Our citizens who are not Pro-American 
are Pro-German. Those who are not for us are against us." — 
George B. Cromer, Nezvberry. 

JOHN L. McLAURIN 

"No one has stated the question at issue so clearly as Presi-, 
dent Wilson in his reply to the peace proposal of the Pope. 

"There is no government in Germany upon whose assurances 
concerning peace we can depend. When the Junker in Germany 



70 The Voice of South Carolina 

is put down, we can talk peace and not before. I have but 
little patience with the so-called pacifist. He is first cousin 
intellectually to the Prussian bully, who thinks that by a war 
of frightfulness the courage of a nation may be broken. One 
is a coward and the other is a brute. It is hard for mothers to 
give up their boys, but I have yet to hear of one holding back. 
When our women read of the outrages committed on mother- 
hood, the fountain from which springs the purity of the race, 
they understand the necessity and glory in giving their sons to 
save womanhood from the Hun despoiler. 

"The draft law is a success, and makes ridiculous those 
members of Congress who forecasted riots and bloodshed in 
the attempt to enforce it. It is being put into operation with 
order and system, undisturbed save by a few political agitators 
and other designing men who really sympathize with the 
enemies of the United States. All that the people want is to 
have the facts clearly presented as to the need of ridding this 
world of the German Scourge. We have the men and 
resources, let us never stop until German Savagery is com- 
pletely crushed into everlasting harmlessness." — Jno. L. 
McLaurin, B ennettsznlle . 

WHAT THE FREEDOM OF THE SEAS MEANS 

TO THE FARMERS 

T. G. McLEOD 

"Does the freedom of the sea affect you? If you say it is 
a Wall Street war, then I say that if under those circumstances 
it involved a cardinal principle and the maintenance of our 
liberty and honor I would fight for Wall Street even, but it 
does not. And Wall Street might say with a great deal more 
truth that it is a cotton war. You people are dependent upon 
cotton and it is your money crop. Therefore the happiness 
and prosperity of your homes are dependent upon your market 
for your cotton. It is a well known fact that we export prac- 
tically two-thirds of our' crop. Now, if Germany had been 
allowed to close the seas to our commerce then instead of get- 
ting twenty-five cents per pound for your cotton, you would 
probably be getting less than six. Why ? Because you would 



The Voice of South Carolina 71 

have had a twelve million bale crop with a demand for only 
about four million bales. 

"Therefore, my cotton growing friends, when the Kaiser of 
Germany said to America, 'You cannot transport your cotton 
or any other goods across the ocean,' he stood upon your toes 
and spit in your faces. The sea is the great jugular vein of 
commerce, the main artery. You can sever the small veins of 
your hand and with first aid remedies to assist, immediately 
stop the flow of blood and your body maintains its normal con- 
dition, but cut the jugular vein and all the surgery in the world 
cannot save your life. The sea is the great jugular vein, the 
main artery of commerce. Our national life is dependent upon 
commerce for its existence, and as a nation, therefore, destroy 
this and you have destroyed our existence, or at least made us 
so dependent upon another power that we will remain no longer 
freemen but commercial serfs and slaves. 

'T heard this splendidly illustrated a few days ago in a con- 
versation on the train. It was between an intelligent traveling 
man and a plain, one-horse farmer whom I knew. My friend, 
the farmer, began the conversation. He said, 'Look here. Mis- 
ter, what do you think about this war ? Me, myself, I ain't got 
no time for it. I don't see any use of it. They tell me it is about 
the sea. Now, I never been on the sea and I never expect to go 
on the sea, but if Germany wants the sea, I say let Germany 
have it and us keep out of this war. What do you think 
about it?' 

"The drummer took time, as all intelligent people should do, 
to answer intelligently the man, and he said : 'My friend, do 
you live on the public road?' 

" 'Yes, sir,' said the farmer. 

" 'What do you use it for?' 

" 'Why, haul my cotton to market ; I go to see my relatives 
and friends ; I go to church ; my children use it to go to school.' 

"Said the drummer: 'Suppose that twO' of your neighbors 
living upon that public road have a row, and either one of them 
says to you, "as long as this row lasts between us, you keep 
off of that road. If you do not you will get into trouble." Now, 
what will you do about it ?' 

"Said the farmer: 'Why, that road is free. If you take that 



'J2 The Voice of South Carolina 

road away from me you take my living away from me. I will 
fight for that road. I would die before I would stay off of it.' 

" 'Yes,' said the drummer, 'and what the public road is to 
you, to your life and to your wife and your children, the great 
ocean is to the United States of America and to all the peoples 
that go to constitute this great government, and President Wil- 
son has said to the world and to Germany the same thing in a 
different way, and so has Congress. They have said to Ger- 
many, 'the great seas are free and we will die before we will 
surrender this basic principle of our existence.' 

"The farmer said, 'I see the point.' And so must any honest 
man." — From T. G. McLeod's Speech at Darlington, Harts- 
ville, etc. 

JOHN G. RICHARDS 

"All of us cannot go to the front, but we can at least per- 
form our duty to our country at home or wherever circum- 
stances have called us to serve. There are many ways in 
which we can serve our country in this great crisis, and these 
opportunities will be eagerly grasped ; but the greatest, the 
most sacred duty for us who are to remain at home is to assure 
our boys who go to the front, and who must bare their breasts 
in their country's cause, that they are heroes every one of them ; 
that they are performing the greatest duty that it is possible 
for a citizen to perform for his country ; that they not only 
have our love and respect, but the gratitude which our country 
offers them shall last forever. 

"Let us stand as one man with our whole hearts behind the 
men who are to fight our battles in this war, and they will 
win." — John G. Richards, Liberty Hill. 

DR. OLIN SAWYER 

"After most serious and prayerful consideration, I do not 
see how our country could have taken further injuries and 
insults and maintained our respectability among the nations of 
the earth in order to have kept out of this war. If the Presi- 
dent and Congress made any mistake, it was in not declaring 
war on Germany when the Lusitania was sunk. 

"T do not see what else Germany could have done to make 
us fight, unless the Kaiser had come over here and slapped 



The Voice of South Carolina 73 

the President's face. Of course everybody wanted an 'hon- 
orable peace' before war was ever declared, but we were fast 
coming to a dishonorable position in trying to keep that peace. 
Now, war having been declared, we still want that 'honorable 
peace', but how can we get it? I know of no way to get it 
from a ruthless, vain-glorying, ambitious foe who doesn't 
think we will fight, and, if we do, that he can lick us — I say I 
know of no way to get that 'honorable peace' but to give this 
haughty and arrogant government such a thorough thrashing 
that it will be willing to come down from its high place and 
agree to this 'honorable peace.' 

"Our country being at war, I can conceive of but two stands 
— for our country and government or against our country and 
government. There can be no half-way ground or fence- 
straddling. 

"Our allies are fighting our fight and we are fighting theirs ; 
and, therefore, abuse and attacks upon them or any of them 
is an attack upon us and upon our country. 

"In my judgment it is supremely proper to teach and to 
explain to our people the causes of this war and the many 
complicated questions and interests that are involved and 
that will continue to arise until a final settlement is reached. 
Such teaching and explanations are not signs of weakness in 
the causes of the war, any more than the continuous preaching 
of the Gospel is evidence of its weakness and inefficiency ; 
therefore, the State Council of Defense and all other agencies 
should lose no occasion to preach and teach the absolute justi- 
fication of our country being forced into this war and on the 
defensive at that, regardless of the doubtful position taken by 
those who show to the enemies of our country that we are not 
standing together in this fight, by still arguing the question of 
our entrance into this war, and that it is a sign of weakness of 
the cause when effort is made to teach and inform the people 
of the insidious way many things were done that forced our 
President and Congress to lead us into war. 

"Then, for the sake of all that is great and glorious in our 
country, long the standard of successful republics and democ- 
racies, to which the less free peoples of other nations could 
point as a living example of a government of, for, and by the 



74 The Voice of South Carolina 

people — let us rise up as one man against the enemies of 
America and the enemies of democracies and in deed and in 
truth fight till Democracy is safe and the curse of every Autoc- 
racy is struck from the necks of the children of men, wherever 
they may inhabit the earth." — Olin Sawyer, Georgetown. 

CHAS. CARROLL SIMMS 

"If the President is criticised on his Mexican policies, there 
can be no question of his earnest efforts to maintain neutrality 
in the present war, and the entry of this country into this war 
was inevitable and preordained. The European conditions for 
centuries have been abominable. Aristocratic arrogance all 
pervasive. Class controlled and rights of the people trampled 
upon. Slavery of the worse character was endured by the 
poor and working classes, whilst social equality depended not 
upon merit, but upon privilege. Unbridled license in court cir- 
cles and freedom from all moral, intellectual or even decent 
influences, prevailed, and whatever the abilities and character 
of a man, his social importance was established by his wealth 
and not by his earning capacity. 

"A like degeneration has progressed in this country. All 
ideals have been laid aside and disregarded in the mad en- 
deavor for enjoyment without work and amassing money, 
until we have become a people uncontrolled by God or the 
fear of eternal consequences. We have worshipped the golden 
calf and like the balance of the world, we are facing the fate 
of the Ephraimites. This war was not a spontaneous combus- 
tion, nor incidental to European entanglements, but has arisen 
in the Providence of God, and the mere death of a Duke, or 
the violation of the Belgium treaty were merely excusatory of 
that which had to come, and such incidents, as the thirty pieces 
of silver to Iscariot, form merely a part in the fulfillment of the 
destiny of the world. 

"Out of this war will be evolved a greater world. The chaff 
will be winnowed from the seed; new ideals will be estab- 
lished ; purification in the blood, in the sacrifice will result and 
a prosperity hitherto unknown will come, especially to the 
South, and a consciousness of duty to the Supreme Authority 
and a happier communion among men in equal enjoyment will 



The Voice of South Carolina 75 

be established, founded upon mutual respect and considera- 
tion." — Chas. Carroll Simms, Barmvell. 

DR. HENRY N. SNYDER 

"The deeper we try to think into the causes and issues of 
the world-tragedy into which we have been drawn, the more 
evident does it become that we are engaged in a conflict of 
irreconcilable ideals of life and government, and that the bat- 
tle-ground for determining which of these ideals shall prevail 
cannot be confined to European lands. The stark, naked truth 
of the matter, then, is that the ideals held to and put into 
frightful practice by the Imperial German Government and 
the ideals of the American Government cannot exist together 
on this planet. They are so fundamentally hostile to one 
another that the world is not big enough to furnish to both 
room for peaceful and friendly living. A victorious autocracy 
now would mean either the death of democracy or its slow 
recuperation for another and even bloodier test of its right to 
live. 

"Gradually and firmly this conviction is gripping the minds 
of our people, and with a grim, quiet, fixed determination they 
are taking up the mighty task of war in order that govern- 
ments of the people, by the people, and for the people shall 
not perish from the earth. 

'Tn the accomplishment of this task they are realizing: 

"i. That the war they are in is a matching of the whole 
resources of the nations involved, — man-power, money-power, 
material-power, spiritual-power. 

"2. That these resources, to be practically available, must 
be intelligently mobilized. All that the nation has, therefore, 
must be at the command of every official call and appeal and 
be related vitally to the various organizations that have been 
put in motion for utilizing the national resources. 

"3. That the motto of each American citizen should be, — 
Each the bit for which each is fit. For when we think of all 
the resources of the nation, we think of each of us and what 
each can do as an essential part of those resources. In this 
battle to save democracy each man and woman is privileged 
to have his share, and not to accept it whole-heartedly is to 



76 The Voice of South Carolina 

fail to meet the big patriotic duty of the hour. Therefore, 
behind the soldiers in the fighting fronts we are to form a vast 
army of the hosts of freedom, creating, conserving, and organ- 
izing the resources of the nation that the victory may be sure 
and complete. This means that we are soldiers all wherever 
we are, — in the home, in shop, and store, and office, and on 
the farm, consecrating our labors and co-ordinating our service 
to the supreme business of the hour." — Henry N. Snyder, 
Spartanburg. 

W. A. STUCKEY 

"It was either war with Germany or absolute disregard of 
our national ideals, honor, dignity, safety and self-respect. 

"Since a soldier is worthy of honor and dignity in propor- 
tion to the loftiness of the principles for which he contends, 
surely, then, the soldier of the army of select draft will always 
be worthy of our highest admiration and esteem, — having 
given the highest service for the freedom and happiness of 
mankind. 

"He who does not by word and deed give his service to his 
country in this struggle is untrue to the best traditions of his 
country, and the future generations will be taught whom to 
honor." — W. A. Stuckey, Bishopville. 

DR. JOHN E. WHITE 

"I am sorry for any South Carolina fellow citizen who has 
gotten off on the wrong foot about this war and the obligation 
of his State to support his country and humanity in the world 
struggle for democracy. 

"If he is lukewarm, uninterested or indifferent I would 
appeal to him to arouse himself to the fact that it involves 
everything — his, mine, and ours — for all the future. 

"It is wrong — nay, it is belittling to mind and heart for a 
man to be placid and unconcerned while such a vital issue of 
human fate is suspended in doubt. 

"If he has permitted himself to express what he regards as 
honest and intelligent opposition to the course his country has 
taken against Germany, I would beg him to consider that the 
great Southerner and Democrat, upon whom the burden fell. 



The Voice of South Carolina 77 

tried everything — patience, pleading and endurance beyond 
measure — to keep the German fist away from America's face, 
and to keep America's fist in the glove of peace ; and that in 
spite of injury and insult, such as no nation in history ever 
tolerated, our country did not enter the war in the spirit of 
pugilism and brute anger, but only when the Russian revolu- 
tion nakedly exposed the true nature of the struggle as an 
issue of destiny between brutalism and autocracy, and human- 
ity and democracy. 

"I would beg him to consider before he utters another word 
in opposition to his country's position in this war the moral 
meaning of his personal situation when a South Carolina cit- 
izen allows himself to be associated for one minute on the un- 
American side of such a struggle as this. If Germany wins it, 
then the hope of peace for centuries is dead. For democracy, 
beaten for the time, will enter upon an age-long defense of its 
life on this earth. If Germany is not defeated, the American 
republic as we have known it and loved it will through sheer 
necessity, which nothing can prevent, become a military nation 
with concentrated and autocratic powers taken from the States 
and from the people and placed in the hands of its Presidents. 

"I would beg every Southern man as he loves peace and 
remembers his forefathers fighting for democracy to allow no 
one to mislead him into forgetting what we owe to France for 
our liberty ; what the owe in sympathy to men striving for free- 
dom anywhere ; what we owe to the cherished democratic 
forms of our own republic ; and what we owe to the ideal and 
hope for an enduring peace between nations, for this war by the 
defeat of the very gods of war is the only chance international 
brotherhood has on this earth." — John E. White, Anderson. 

THE SOUTH'S RESPONSIBILITY IN THE WAR 

For the first time in many years the South has recently come 
into its own in national circles. The party whose principles it 
has striven for for generations is in power. A Southern man 
is in the presidency ; Southern men are in the cabinet ; South- 
ern statesmen are at the head of important committees in 
both houses of Congress and are directing legislation of 
world-wide import; Southern views and Southern ideas are 



78 The Voice of South Carolina 

making- themselves understood and appreciated in Washington. 

To such an extent does this condition prevail that certain 
other sections of our country, long used to controlling the 
reins of government, are showing signs of restlessness and 
uneasiness. Their attitude is well expressed in the skeptical 
old saying, "Get away from the wheelbarrow ; what do you 
know about machinery?" As one influential Pennsylvania 
Republican remarked to a member of the South Carolina State 
Council of Defense, partly in jest but mainly in earnest: "Well, 
one thing is sure. The conduct of this war is in the hands of 
the South. We entered it under your leadership and are con- 
ducting it under your management. If the United States falls 
down, it will be your fault. The responsibility rests squarely 
on 'you air." 

Of course, he overstated the case. South, North, East, and 
West, Demjocrats, Republicans, and Pnogressives, — all are 
standing shoulder to shoulder in the tremendous struggle for 
world freedom. But there is just enough truth in what he said 
to give food for thought. 

The South was the birthplace and cradle of our national 
democracy. On the anvil of the South was forged the sword 
of American liberty. After the brief divided years of the 6o's 
and the slow healing of Reconstruction days, the South has 
grown into the most homogeneous and strongly individualized 
section of our country. We are one in thought, one in feeling, 
one in purpose. Nowhere does there throb more vitally and 
enduringly the fine noblesse oblige of democracy, liberty, and 
idealism. 

South Carolina above all is peculiarly linked to the present 
administration by manifold, powerful ties of allegiance, loy- 
alty, and love. The unwavering support and steadfast devo- 
tion of our whole State is the least gift we can bring. If there 
is one spot in the United States where doubt, criticism, divi- 
sion, and disloyalty should at present be unthinkable, that spot 
is South Carolina. R. S., Columbia. 



PART III 
HOW YOU CAN HELP WIN THE WAR 



STOP CRITICIZING, CHEER UP, AND GET BUSY 

1. Learn ten reasons why you think we should be at war 
and be prepared to put forward those views whenever oppor- 
tunity offers. 

2. Stop criticizing people who are actively working for the 
war, whether they are in the military or naval service, in the 
Red Cross or what not. Get busy yourself and let some one 
else who is not working criticise you. 

3. Cheer up. We are going to have lots to be down-hearted 
about, and there is no need to cross a bridge before we get 
to it. 

4. Resolve not to spend a cent unless it is necessary. Make 
this apply to your purchases of personal effects, except a 
moderate amount of pleasure-giving recreation. It is neces- 
sary that people keep sane, and they have got to have some 
amusement to stay sane. — Christie Benet, Columbia. 

HELP THE ALLIES AND SUPPORT THE ADMINIS- 
TRATION 

The Government of the United States has done wonder- 
fully well in the steps it has taken in the limited time we have 
had towards winning the war. The best place to win the war 
is by concerted action with the Allies on the other side of the 
ocean, and the sooner we get an adequate number of men 
there to aid those who are in the field, and to push the war to 
its end, is the best thing that can be done. In my humble 
judgment no peace will be reached until the Allied troops 
invade a considerable portion of German territory. 

The Council of Defense in South Carolina can only assist 
in encouraging enlistments, and supporting the administration, 
not only by act but by word, and build up a healthy sentiment 
in favor of what the administration is doing. No matter what 
differences of opinion may have existed when the war started, 
as to why we should go into it, or why we should not go into 
it, it is our war now, and we must all stand together. — E. R. 
Buckingham, Ellenton. 



82 How You Can Help Win the War 

CARRY OUT EXISTING IDEAS 

Sufficient ideas have already been advanced and the best 
work that can be done at this time by individuals is to help 
carry through to success those ideas. Plans put forth may 
not meet with each individual's idea, but it should be remem- 
bered that the greatest good can be accomplished by the indi- 
vidual lending his best efforts to make the plans already in 
operation a success rather than to try and show that some 
other plan would be better. It is the duty of every American 
citizen to support in every possible way the present adminis- 
tration. — Ira B. Dunlap, Rock Hill. 

FIGHT GERMANY ON THE OTHER SIDE 

Germany's plan was to crush France swiftly, overwhelm 
Russia at her leisure ; then having the channel ports, to invade 
England, which would have been easy because of England's vast 
unpreparedness. Having defeated the English navy, she planned 
then to levy an indemnity on the United States of $125,000,- 
000,000, half of the United States' entire wealth. We had 
better whip Germany now while we have the aid of England, 
France, Russia, Italy and the others than be forced to fight 
her single handed a few years hence. 

If you are not needed in active service at the front, one of 
the best aids to your country is to make your own business a 
success. It is the failure of her business interests which will 
crush Germany much more than the armies fighting against 
her. — William Elliott, Columbia. 

EVERY MAN NEEDED 

The people have such explicit confidence in President Wil- 
son that they are prone to leave the war in his hands — but 
America "expects every man to do his duty" — and every one 
should contribute his individual thought and energy to assist- 
ing to an ultimate and lasting peace. — Wm. Godfrey, Cherazv. 

ECONOMIZE AND SUPPORT THE ADMINISTRATION 

You can help to win the war by setting an example of econ- 
omy ; by encouraging the production and conservation of those 
articles of food and clothing which your land will produce 



How You Can Help Win the War 83 

more cheaply than you can buy, but which you are now fool- 
ishly importing at ridiculous prices ; by the prevention of 
waste which is a more formidable enemy than the Kaiser him- 
self, while our own army and those of our allies are dependent 
on us for supplies. 

By unselfishly lending your time, talent and energies to the 
various service leagues and similar organizations in your com- 
munity. 

By keeping in touch with the motives and purposes of the 
administration, and creating a sentiment of patriotic co-opera- 
tion and encouragement among those who are not so well 
informed ; by discussing with them intelligently the necessity 
for America's participation in the war, and pointing out the 
inevitable catastrophe that would have befallen the entire 
world, including ourselves, as the result of a Teutonic victory, 
and preaching the gospel that regardless of such necessity, 
since we are in it, we are in it to win. — W. I. Johns, Baldock. 

STAND BACK OF THE GOVERNMENT AND THE ARMY 

Let each one of us give our government, its department 
heads and officers and employees our earnest, energetic and 
loyal support first, last and all the time ; whether we differ with 
them in the administration of business matters or not, we must 
back them and help them solve the many problems which now 
have so little time for solution. 

In State and city affairs, let us give the same loyal support 
to those who are in charge and let no small differences of 
opinion interrupt good work for the community. 

In our industries, let us keep them going to the best produc- 
tivity and serve our customers as usual and at the least ex- 
pense. 

In our homes, let us save on food, regulate our pleasures and 
enjoyments, put in good shape our financial affairs and save in 
every way we can in order that we may help the government 
by purchasing bonds, subscribing to the many needs of the 
hour and furnishing the means of supplying the boys at the 
front with the very best equipment for fighting and defending 
themselves and when hurt of taking care of them. 



§4 How You Can Help Win the War 

Above all, let us encourage a respect and affection for the 
great, splendid army that is forming to fight our battles on 
foreign soil for freedom and the restoration of those lands 
despoiled by the heel of the tyrant. — /. Ross Hanahan, Charles- 
ton. 

SOUTH CAROLINA'S DUTY IN THE FOOD SITUATION 

The thought prevails that the issues involved in the present 
war will be decided in favor of the countries furnishing the last 
crust rather than the last soldier. If this be true, the responsi- 
bility placed upon the shoulders of the rural people of the 
United States is greater than that ever borne by any class of 
the world's citizenship since the beginning of the Christian era. 

South Carolina is expected to do its part in furnishing bread, 
fats and meat to our soldiers and those who are now fighting 
our battles. We should be thankful that we live in a State the 
natural advantages of which make it an easy task for us to 
comply with the sacred demands of our Government. 

The Government expects us to increase our acreage in wheat 
in South Carolina this year by 37 per cent, over our acreage 
of last year. Last year's acreage was 225,000. A 37 per cent, 
increase will give us a total of 308,250 acres. Surely this 
demand will be cheerfully complied with when we remember 
that in the fall of 1914 we seeded 337,000 acres in wheat, when 
the necessity for this large acreage was not so urgent as it is 
today. Some one suggested an acre of wheat to the plow. As 
we have in South Carolina only 79,847 horses and 155,471 
mules, making a total of 235,318 plow stock, and when we 
deduct 30,000 that are being used for other purposes than for 
the cultivation of the soil, we can understand that that slogan 
cannot be adopted. The County Councils should ascertain the 
number of acres of wheat seeded last season in each county 
and endeavor to secure a 50 per cent, increase, which would 
very probably result in obtaining the increase suggested by 
the Government. The Extension forces of Clemson College 
and the United States Department of Agriculture, at the proper 
season, propose to make a vigorous campaign in co-operation 
with the State Council of Defense and the County Councils to 
obtain the desired end. 



How You Can Help Win the War 85 

It would not be a wise policy to greatly increase our wheat 
acreage over the figures suggested by the Government for if 
this were done we would have to decrease our acreage in 
cotton or corn. This would be economically wrong for the rea- 
son that the average production of corn per acre in the State 
is 20 bushels and the average production of cotton seed is 16 
bushels per acre and the average production of wheat is 10^ 
bushels per acre. A bushel of corn and a bushel of cotton seed 
have as great a food value as a bushel of wheat, and besides, 
cotton seed is one of our cheapest sources of fat and, there- 
fore, if we were to carry out the suggestion of the Govern- 
ment of increasing our wheat acreage by 37 per cent, we would 
not only perform our duty as requested by our Government 
but we would act wisely. 

The war has injected into an already difficult situation a 
number of vicious conditions which are jeopardizing the ulti- 
mate animal products supply of the world. A decrease of 115,- 
000,000 in the world's meat producing animals is shown by a 
comparison of present with pre-war conditions issued recently 
by the Department of Agriculture at Washington. While the 
increase of cattle in the United States was 7,000,000 during 
this three-year period, the total world's decrease was 28,- 
000,000. Sheep decreased 3,000,000 in the United States and 
54,000,000 in the world. Hogs decreased 6,275,000 in the 
United States and 32,425,000 in the world. The demand made 
by the war on the American meat supply is shown further in 
the quantity of our meat exports which were 1,339,193,000 
pounds for the year ending June 30, 1916, as compared with 
493,848,000 poimds for a three-year pre-war average. These 
exports have chiefly gone to our Allies whose capital stock of 
animals has decreased by 33,000,000 head. 

We have been dealing with existing conditions as to food 
animals in the United States and the world. Let's come a 
little nearer home. In 1850, with a population of some 500,000 
souls, there were in South Carolina 777,686 cattle, 193,244 
dairy cows, 1,065,503 hogs and 285,557 sheep. In 1910 (cen- 
sus figures) we had 412,278 cattle, 180,842 dairy cows, 678,228 
hogs and 37,928 sheep with a population of a million and a 
half souls. This gave us one head of cattle to every 35 acres 



86 How You Can Help Win the War 

of land, one dairy cow to every 75 acres, and one hog to every 
20 acres ; one dairy cow to every nine persons and one hog 
to every three persons. This was a distressing condition before 
the war, but then we could expect to purchase at reasonable 
prices our food and breeding animals from other parts of the 
country. What must we expect if the war continues for a 
year or possibly two years ? This situation is not only serious 
but alarming. This fact is a certainty, that the world's supply 
of meat and dairy products, of animal fats, is all involved not 
only now but far into the future. Surely sensible men will begin 
to make preparations in order that our people shall not be 
denied these prime necessities of life. Therefore, we should 
begin at once to increase our forage crops, pay special atten- 
tion to the development of pasture lands and pass a law in the 
State that no heifer calf shall be sold for slaughter for a period 
of five years. 

Another source of meat supply can be developed in South 
Carolina at exceedingly little cost. Our streams contribute 
great quantities of fish. At little expense a great many farms 
are so situated that artificial ponds can be constructed and 
with the co-operation of the Fish Commission at Washington 
these ponds can be stocked with the choicest table fish and 
with some little care a bountiful supply of meat products can 
be secured from this source. Every fish eaten is that much 
gain in solving the present problem of living. The food 
products of the land are conserved by eating those of the 
streams. This is a matter that is worth looking into and the 
Extension Division of Clemson College is arranging to take 
this matter up with the Fish Commission at Washington in 
order to render assistance to those who are interested in con- 
structing their private fish ponds. — W. W. Long, Director of 
Extension, Clemson College. 

ONE HUNDRED PER CENT. LOYALTY 

AMERICANS ! 

Are you willing to be the slaves of a German Military 
Autocracy? If not, to win this war for the liberty of Democ- 
racy ; to make the world a safe place for you and your children 
to live in, these things are demanded of you : 



How You Can Help Win the War 87 

You must support the Government with 100 per cent, of 
loyalty and patriotism. 

You must give 100 per cent, of service, if necessary, in your 
business ; and in your living 100 per cent, effilciency is de-- 
manded of you. 

You must produce ; you must conserve. 

You must be prepared to make sacrifices again and again, if 
the barbarous rule of brutal Prussia is to be overthrown, and 
the war lords of Imperial Germany crushed. — A. C. Phelps; 
Sumter. 

SHOW YOUR FAITH 

We can help win the v/ar by having faith in the patriotism, 
wisdom and efficiency of our Government, and by showing that 
faith by our words, deeds and attitudes at all times and under 
all circumstances. Such a showing of faith will cheer those 
who are discouraged, inspire to greater effort those who are 
loyal, and stay the hands of those who, in the soil of ignorance 
and selfishness, sow the yellow seeds of discord and dissatis- 
faction. — President W. M. Riggs, Clemson College. 

LOYALTY AND SERVICE 

We can win the war by true loyalty to the Government and 
personal sacrifice. — Frank J. Simmons, Charleston. 

PRODUCE AND CONSERVE 

You can help win the war by remembering that every moment 
of your time which is not devoted to the production of some- 
thing useful or the conservation of your health and energy, 
is in a way that much time contributed to the support of the 
enemy. — /. E. Sirrine, Greenville. 

FOOD CONSERVATION 

It is conceded that "food will win this war." The campaign 
for the production of food in the United States has been emi- 
nently successful. Without conservation of food, however, 
the entire food campaign would fail. 

In the conservation of food we must begin with the indi- 
vidual home. This is a vital factor. In a great democracy 



88 How You Can Help Win the War 

like the United States, we can not deal with the consumer as 
in Germany, where nothing is left to voluntary action. In our 
great democracy we must secure the will or the voluntary sup- 
port of our people. 

Herein lies the necessity of this campaign. The early part 
of September a preliminary work was performed by the women 
of the land, some two million homes pledging themselves to 
support the National Food Administration, but as there are 
some twenty million homes in America it can readily be seen 
that much more strenuous efforts are necessary. 

It was felt by Mr. Hoover that once our people thoroughly 
understand the necessity of food conservation they will 
heartily support the National Administration. Therefore an 
intensive educational campaign is planned, to be started on 
the first of October, this campaign to close with a house to 
house canvass throughout America the week of October 21st. 

To undertake such a canvass many volunteer workers are 
required. For instance, in this State there are in round num- 
bers 350,000 families. To reach these 350,000 families requires 
thorough organization in each county, and a total of about 
seven thousand workers for the State. The National Adminis- 
tration expects at least 175,000 pledges from South Carolina. 

Once these pledges are signed by the heads of our families, 
they will be gathered in Columbia, and used as a mailing list 
for the purpose of sending out, from time to time, simple 
instructions for the conservation of food. This will demon- 
strate our democratic unity and will help to win this war. — 
A. V. Sfiell, Charleston. 

SUBSCRIBE TO THE LIBERTY LOAN 
The war to make the future of democracy safe and to prove 
that democracy is safe will be won by every individual, man, 
woman and child, putting his or her whole soul into the task 
at hand and later, if called by the Government, be ready to 
do more than a man's share and make the supreme sacrifice if 
necessary. 

There will be a great surplus of money in South Carolina 
this year as a result of the increased value in cotton ; the banks 
are overloaded with money ; many mortgages are being satis- 



How You Can Help Win the War 89 

fied ; therefore the Liberty Bonds offer the best outlet for the 
surplus money. It is better to buy an interest-bearing Liberty 
Bond than to subscribe indefinitely to indemnity bonds which 
will certainly be levied in the event that the German Imperial 
Government is successful. — Joe Sparks, Columbia. 

MORE CORN AND LESS WHEAT 

While away last week in some of the big Eastern cities, I 
noticed that people were eating just as much wheat bread as 
ever. Corn bread is not given any more publicity than it was 
a year ago before we entered the war. I would suggest that 
all hotels, restaurants and dining cars be asked to serve on a 
bread and butter order one-half corn muffin and one-half wheat 
bread. A great many people prefer corn muffin and would be 
glad to have it served to them, and a good many more, espe- 
cially in the Eastern cities, would learn to like it if it were con- 
stantly placed before them. I also think it would be well to 
ask the heads of all colleges in this State to help carry out this 
suggestion as far as possible. 

The people are not alive to the fact that we must save our 
wheat for the men who are fighting for the very existence of 
our liberty, and we can not eat it all and divide what we haven't 
got with them. The people must be brought to a realization 
of the seriousness of this fact, and I most earnestly recom- 
mend that every extra available acre be planted in wheat this 
coming season, and the people be urged to reduce the amount 
of wheat bread that they are now consuming. — John T. 
Stevens, Kershazv. 

PUBLIC HEALTH 

It is impossible to overstress the importance of clean, v/hole- 
some living amid sanitary conditions for the boys and girls of 
today so the men and women of tomorrow will be able to 
carry on the war and insure the future of our great country. 
Boys and girls in all walks of life should be cared for as never 
before, for when peace comes their tasks will be immense, and 
the fact that they are physically fit and mentally efficient to 
cope with them is all important. Parents, teachers, ministers, 
doctors and all in authority should be called upon to see to this 



90 How You Can Help Win the War 

and made to realize its importance to the nation. — Horace L. 
Tilghman, Marion. 

UNSELFISH PATRIOTISM 

The best way to win the war is for every one to realize and 
bring home to himself the full importance of the seriousness 
of this war, and the fearful consequence and result if we do 
not win. Unselfishness and patriotism must prevail. We must 
be as loyal to America as the Germans are to Germany, and 
we must deal with traitors and slackers as they deserve. We 
must, all, not only be loyal, but every individual must support 
the Government to his utmost, and we must have active and 
enthusiastic co-operation on the part of all the people. — Bright 
Williamson, Darlington. 

HELP THE RED CROSS 

One of the great duties of Americans is to unite in the 
national organizations for rousing the spirit of the people and 
for the care of sick and wounded soldiers and of families left 
destitute by the absence or death of their supporter. Every 
American ought to join the Red Cross, an immense nation- 
wide organization which takes the place occupied by the Sani- 
tary Commission during the Civil War. It has the faithful and 
untiring aid of the military, naval and hospital authorities of 
the government. The hundred million dollars so splendidly 
supplied will before long be exhausted, and the community 
must make up its mind to subscription after subscription. Some 
people can aid by paying their dues and subscribing other 
sums ; some people, especially the women, can give their 
thought, their work and their powers of organization to the 
great cause. There cannot be too many bandages or comforts 
or supplies. The Red Cross is well organized and well offi- 
cered, and has been made an official part of the military organ- 
ization of the country. — National Security League's Hand- 
hook. 

ECONOMIZE 

Another field of patriotic efifort is a share in the national 
duty of economy. Everybody ought to economize. When the 
taxes are raised, as they must be, when prodigious sums are 



How You Can Help Win the War 91 

taken out of the available capital in order to use them to save 
the country by destroying the opposing forces, the net national 
income will be that much reduced; it is impossible that every- 
body should have the same net income as before. Hence there 
must be a -concerted effort to club together to facilitate saving. 
This applies first of all to the food supply, which must be care- 
fully nursed ; for it is as needful that our Allies and the troops 
who are fighting in the common cause should be fed out of 
our surplus as it is that men and munitions should cross the 
ocean. We Americans have always had a great abundance of 
cheap food, and the average consumption during the next few 
years can be very much reduced without anybody suffering. 
There is food enough for all, though the prices may be high. 
It is part of the duty of the individual to aid in preventing 
the taking of inordinate profits by the middleman, and in seeing 
that families who are on a small fixed income do not suffer. — 
National Security League's Handbook. 

OUR EDUCATIONAL CREED 

1. We believe in education; because it makes us despise lit- 
tleness and induces us to endeavor to be big of mind, generous 
of soul, and sound of body. 

2. We believe in public education ; because it best fits one to 
live the life of a free man in a free country. 

3. We believe in education at public expense, because it is 
the payment of a just debt that a citizen owes his State in 
return for her fostering care to see to it that the next genera- 
tion shall be an enlightened and educated citizenship. 

4. We believe in compulsory attendance upon the public 
schools; because ignorance is a remedy for nothing and 
ignorant greed and selfish arrogance can not be counted upon 
to give to every boy and girl an equal chance in life. 

5. We believe in the education of the whole man that will 
produce a sound body, a broad-gauged mind, and a generous 
soul, crowned with life's fundamental virtues and graces. — 
6^. H. Edmunds, Sumter. 



92 How You Can Help Win the War 

THE GERM AS DEADLY AS THE GERMAN 

As we go about the State on our various campaigns let us 
not forget to talk "sanitation" when the opportunity affords. 
Tuberculosis, typhoid, malaria and diarrhoea carry off more 
of our people in a year than will probably be killed in the 
whole war. The germ is as deadly an enemy as the German, 
and is no less a world menace. 

The fly and the mosquito are here, doing their deadly work 
today and are killing our people every year by the thousand. 

Let us not fail to fight the enemy within as well as the one 
without our borders. — David R. Coker, Hartsville. 



H kh- 79 








i't> 







0' 




• .V 



.^ 



,0 










,v 










0' 



•1 On 




^°-;^. 



^. " 




1^ »-'»o^ "O- \> 





•0.' »<^ 

n •'■*•» o ^'^ ^ * ^ca 



?.^-;^ 














^^'\ 




<^ /■"'"' 



^. 




■^^0^ 






^^-^^ 





^h O "v'^^'^^i^vii!^^* Deacidified using the Bookkeeper proce 

^ V. .?) *^ " - ° , Neutralizing agent: Magnesium Oxide 

^ *VZ' > ^ .*^]oL'* "^ 4.*^ Treatment Date:u AY 2001 

PreservationTechnologi 













\.^ A WORLD LEADER IN PAPER PRESERVAT 



111 Thomson Park Drive 
Cranberry Township, PA 16066__ 




^5^ DEC 73 

W^^ N. MANCHESTER, 



